The Time-Tested Strategy for Successful Investing
A Random Walk -Down Wall Street
WARNING
The text is very rough, coming from a poor scan.
The text is very rough, coming from a poor scan.
Table of Contents
Preface
Acknowledgments from Earlier Editions
PART ONE - STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
1. Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air
What Is a Random Walk? 24
Investing as a Way of Life Today 26
Investing in Theory 28
The Firm-Foundation Theory 28
The Castle-in-the-Air Theory 30
How the Random Walk Is to Be Conducted 33
2. The Madness of Crowds 34
The Thlip-Bulb Craze 35
The South Sea Bubble 38
Wall Street Lays an Egg 44
An Afterword 51
3. Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties 52
The Sanity of Institutions 52
The Soaring Sixties 53
The New "New Era": The Growth-Stock/New-Issue Craze 53
Synergy Generates Energy: The Conglomerate Boom 56
Performance Comes to the Market: The Bubble in Concept Stocks 63
The Sour Seventies 66
the Nifty Fifty 66
The Roaring Eighties 68
The 1Humphant'Return of New Issues 68
Concepts Conquer Again: The Biotechnology Bubble 70
ZZZZ Best Bubble of All 71
What Does It All Mean? 73
The Nervy Nineties 74
The Japanese Yen for Land and Stocks 74
4. The Biggest Bubble of All: Surfing on the Internet 78
How Bubbles Arise 78
A Broad-Scale High-Tech Bubble 80
An Unprecedented New-Issue Craze 82
TheGlobe.com 84
Security Analysts Speak Up 86
New Valuation Metrics 87
The Writes of the Media 89
Fraud Slithers In and Strangles the Market 92
Should We Have Known the Dangers? 94
A Final Word 96
PART Two - How THE PROS PLAY THE BIGGEST GAME IN TOWN
5. Technical and Fundamental Analysis 99
Technical versus Fundamental Analysis 100
What Can Charts Tell You? 102
The Rationale for the Charting Method 105
Why Might Charting Fail to Work? 107
From Chartist to Technician 108
The Technique of Fundamental Analysis 109
Three Important Caveats 117
Why Might Fundamental Analysis Fail to Work? 120
Using Fundamental and Technical Analysis Together 121
6. Technical Analysis and the Random-Walk Theory 126
Holes in Their Shoes and Ambiguity in Their Forecasts 126
Is There Momentum in the Stock Market? 128
Just What Exactly Is a Random Walk? 129
Some More Elaborate Technical Systems 133
The Filter System 133
The Dow Theory 134
The Relative-Strength System 134
Price-Volume Systems 135
Reading Chart Patterns 135
Randomness Is Hard to Accept 136
A Gaggle of Other Technical Theories to Help You Lose Money 138
The Hemline Indicator 138
The Super Bowl Indicator 140
The Odd-Lot Theory 140
A Few More Systems 141
Technical Market Gurus 142
Why Are Technicians Still Hired? 144
Appraising the Counterattack 145
Implications for Investors 148
7. How Good Is Fundamental Analysis? 150
The Views from Wall Street and Academia 151
Are Security Analysts FUndamentally Clairvoyant? 152
Why the Crystal Ball Is Clouded 155
1. The Influence of Random Events 156
2. The Production of Dubious Reported Earnings through "Creative" Accounting Procedures 156
3. The Basic Incompetence of Many of the Analysts Themselves 159
4. The Loss of the Best Analysts to the Sales Desk, to Portfolio Management, or to Hedge Funds 160
5. The Conflicts of Interest between Research and Investment Banking Departments 161
Do Security Analysts Pick Winners?The Performance of the Mutual Funds 164
Can Any Fundamental System Pick Winners? 170
The Verdict on Market Timing 171
The Semi-strong and Strong Forms of the Efficient-Market Theory 172
The Middle of the Road: A Personal Viewpoint 174
PART THREE - THE NEW INVESTMENT TECHNOLOGY
8. A New Walking Shoe: Modem Portfolio Theory
The Role of Risk 180
Defining Risk: The Dispersion of Returns 181
illustration: Expected Return and Variance Measures of Reward and Risk 181
Documenting Risk: A Long-Run Study 184
Reducing Risk: Modern Portfolio Theory (MPT) 186
Diversification in Practice 190
9. Reaping Reward by Increasing Risk 197
Beta and Systematic Risk 198
The Capital-Asset Pricing Model (CAPM) 201
Let's Look at the Record 206
An Appraisal of the Evidence 209
The Quant Quest for Better Measures of Risk: Arbitrage Pricing Theory 211
A Summing Up 214
10.BehavioralFinance 216
The Irrational Behavior of Individual Investors 219
Overconfidence 219
Biased Judgments 222
Herding 225
Loss Aversion 229
The Limits to Arbitrage 233
What Are the Lessons for Investors from Behavioral
Finance? 237
1. Avoid Herd Behavior 238
2. Avoid Overtrading 240
3. If You Do 7rade: Sell Losers, Not Winners 241
4. Other Stupid Investor 7Hcks . 242
Does Behavioral Finance Teach Ways to Beat the Market? 243
11. Ptshots at the Efficient-Market Theory and Why They Miss 244
What Do We Mean by Saying Markets Are Efficient? 246
Potshots That Completely Miss the Target 247
DogsoftheDow 247
January Effect 248
"Thank God It's Monday Afternoon" Pattern 249
Hot News Response 249
. Why the Aim Is So Bad 250
Potshots That Get Close but Still Miss the Target 251
The Trend Is Your lTiend (Otherwise Known as Short-Term Momentum) 251
The Dividend Jackpot Approach 253
The Initial PIE Predictor 255
The llBack We Go Again" Strategy (Otherwise Known as Long-Run Return Reversals) 256
The llSmaller Is Better" Effect 259
The llValue Will Win" Record 261
Stocks with Low Price-Earnings Multiples Outperform Those with High Multiples 262
Stocks That Sell at Low Multiples of Their Book Values Tend to Produce Higher Subsequent Returns 263
But Does uValue" Really 1h1mp Growth on a Consistent Basis? 264
Why Even Close Shots Miss 265
And the Winner Is 0 0 0 267
The Performa.nce of Professional Investors 267
A Summing Up 271
PART FOUR - A PRACTICAL GUIDE FOR RANDOM WALKERS AND OTHER INVESTORS
12. A Fitness Manual for Random Walkers 277
Exercise 1: Gather the Necessary Supplies 278
Exercise 2: Don't Be Caught Empty-Handed: Cover Yourself with .
Cash Resources and Insurance 280
Cash Reserves 280
Insurance 280
Deferred Variable Annuities 282
Exercise 3: Be Competitive-Let the Yield on Your Cash Reserve
Keep Pace with Inflation 283
Money-Market Mutual Funds 283
Bank Certificates of Deposit (CDs) 283
Internet Banks 284
7reasury Bills 285
1bx-Exempt Money-Markt Funds 285
Exercise 4: Learn How to Dodge the Tax Collector 286
Individual Retirement Accounts 286
Roth lRAs 288
Pension Plans 289
Saving for College: As Easy as 529 290
Exercise 5: Make Sure the Shoe Fits: Understand Your
Investment Objectives 291
Exercise 6: Begin Your Walk at Your Own Home-Renting Leads to Flabby Investment Muscles 298
Exercise 7: Investigate a Promenade through Bond Country 300
Zero-Coupon Bonds Can Generate Large Future Returns 301
. No-Load Bond Funds Are Appropriate Vehicles for Individual Investors 302
1bx-Exempt Bonds Are Useful for High-Bracket Investors 302
Hot TIPS: Inflation-Indexed Bonds 304
Should You Be a Bond-Market Junkie? 305
Exercise 8: Tiptoe through the Fields of Gold, Collectibles, and Other Investments 306
Exercise 9: Remember That Commission Costs Are Not Random; Some Are Cheaper than Others 308
Exercise 10: Avoid Sinkholes and Stumbling Blocks: Diversify Your Investment Steps 309
A Final Checkup 310
13. Handicapping the Financial Race: A Primer in
Understanding and Projecting Returns from
Stocks and Bonds 312
What Determines the Returns from Stocks and Bonds? 312
Three Eras of Financial Market Returns 316
Era I: The Age of Comfort 317
Era II: The Age of Angst 319
Era III: The Age of Exuberance 323
The Age of the Millennium 325
14. A Life-Cycle Guide to Investing 329
Five Asset-Allocation Principles 330
10 Risk and Reward Are Related 330
2. Your Actual Risk in Stock and Bond Investing Depends on the
Length of1ime}Ou Hold }Our Invetment 331
30 Dollar-Cost Averaging Can Reduce the Risks of Investing in Stocks and Bonds 334
4. Rebalancing Can Reduce Investment Risk and Possibly Increase
Returns 338
5. Distinguishing between Your Attitude toward and Your Capacity for Risk 340
Three Guidelines to Tailoring a Life-Cycle Investment Plan 342
1. Specific Needs Require Dedicated Specific Assets 342
2. Recognize Your Tolerance for Risk 343
3. Persistent Saving in Regular Amounts, No Matter How Small, Pays Off 343
The Life-Cycle Investment Guide 345
Life-Cycle Funds 348
Investment Management Once You Have Retired 349
Inadequate Preparation for Retirement 349
Investing a Retirement Nest Egg 350
Annuities 351
The Do-It-Yourself Method 354
15. Three Giant Steps Down Wall Street 357
The No-Brainer Step: Investing in Index Funds 358
The Index-Fund Solution: A Summary 360
A Broader Definition of Indexing 363
A Specific Index-Fund Portfolio 366
ETFs and the Tax-Managed Index Fund 367
The Do-It-Yourself Step: Potentially Useful
Stock-Picking Rules 369
Rule 1: Confine stock purchases to companies that appear able to sustain above-average earnings growth for at least five years
Rule 2: Never pay more for a stock than can reasonably be justified by a firm foundation of value
Rule 3: It helps to buy stocks with the kinds of stories of anticipated growth on which investors can build castles in the air
Rule 4: 7rade as little as possible
The Substitute-Player Step: Hiring a Professional Wall Street Walker
The Morningstar Mutual-Fund Information Service 375
A Primer on Mutual-Fund Costs 376
Loading Fees 377
Expense Charges 377
Turnover Costs 378
The 50-50 Rule 379
The Malkiel Step 379
A Paradox 383
Some Last Reflections on Our Walk 384
Supplement: How Pork Bellies Acquired an Ivy League Suit:
A Primer on Derivatives 387
Appendix to Supplement: What Determines Prices in the Futures and Options Markets? 420 .
A Random Walker's Address Book and Reference Guide t.
Mutual Funds
Preface
It has now been over thirty-five years since I began writing the first edition of A Random Walk Down Wall Street. The message of the original edition was a very simple one: Investors would be far better off buying and holding an index fund than attempting to buy and sell individual securities or actively managed mutual funds. I boldly stated that buying and holding all the stocks in a broad stock-market average was likely to outperform professionally managed funds whose high expense charges and large trading costs detract substantially from investment returns.
Now, over thirty-five years later, I believe even more strongly in that original thesis, and there's more than a sixfigure gain to prove it. I can make the case with great simplicit Yo An investor with $10,000 at the start of 1969 who invested in a Standard & Poor's 500-Stock Index Fund would have had a portfolio worth $422,000 by 2006, assuming that aJI dividends were reinvestedo A second investor who instead purchased shares in the average actively managed fund would have seen his investment grow to $284,000. The difference is dramatic.
Through March 31, 2006, the index investor was ahead by
$138,000, an amount almost 50 percent greater than the final stake of the average investor in a managed fund.
Why, then, a ninth edition of this book? If the basic message hasn't changed, what has? The answer is that there have been enormous changes in the financial instruments available to the publico A book meant to provide a comprehensive investment guide for individual investors needs to be updated to cover the full range of investment products available 0 In addition, investors can benefit from a critical analysis of the wealth of new information provided by academic researchers and market professionals-made comprehensible in prose accessible to everyone with an interest in investingo There have been so many bewildering claims about the stock market that it's important to have a book that sets the record straight.
Over the past thirty-five years, we have become accustomed to accepting the rapid pace of technological change in our physical environment. Innovations such as cellular and video telephones, cable television, compact discs, DVDs, microwave ovens, laptop computers, the Internet, voice-over
Internet protocol, e-mail, and new medical advances from organ transplants and laser surgery to nonsurgical methods of treating kidney stones and unclogging arteries have materially affected the way we liveo Financial innovation over the same period has been equally rapido In 1973, when the first edition of this book appeared, we did not have money-market funds,
NOW accounts, ATMs, index mutual funds, ETFs, tax-exempt funds, emerging-market funds, life-cycle funds, floating-rate notes, volatility derivatives, inflation protection securities, equity REITs, Roth IRAs, 529 college savings plans, zerocoupon bonds, financial and commodity futures and options, and new trading techniques such as "portfolio insurance" and
"program trading," to mention just a few of the changes that have occurred in the financial environment. Much of the new material in this book has been included to explain these financial innovations and to show how you as a consumer can benefit from themo
This ninth edition also provides a clear and easily accessible description of the academic advances in investment theory and practice 0 A new chapter (chapter 10) has been added to describe the exciting new field of behavioral finance and to
underscore the important lessons investors should learn from the insights of the behavioralistso In addition, a new section has been added to present practical investment strategies for investors who have retired or are about to retireo So much new material has been added over the years that readers who may have read an earlier edition of this book in college or business school will find this new edition rewarding reading.
This edition takes a hard look at the basic thesis of earlier editions of Random Walk-that the market prices stocks so efficiently that a blindfolded chimpanzee throwing darts at the
Wall Street Journal can select a portfolio that performs as well as those managed by the experts. Through the past thirty-five years, that thesis has held up remarkably well. More than twothirds of professional portfolio managers have been outperformed by the unmanaged S&P 500 Indexo Nevertheless, there are still both academics and practitioners who doubt the validity of the theoryo And the stock-market crash of October 1987, as well as the crashette of July 2002, raised further questions concerning the vaunted efficiency of the market. This edition explains the recent controversy and reexamines the claim that it's possible to "beat the market." I conclude in chapter 11 that reports of the death of the efficient-market theory are vastly exaggerate do I will, however, review the evidence on a number of techniques of stock selection that are believed to tilt the odds of success in favor of the individual investor.
The book remains fundamentally a readable investment guide for individual investorso As I have counseled individuals and families about financial strategy, it has become increasingly clear to me that one's capacity for risk-bearing depends importantly upon one's age and ability to earn income from noninvestment sourceso It is also the case that the risk involved in most investments decreases with the length of. time the investment can be heldo For these reasons, optimal investment strategies must be age-relate do Chapter 14, entitled ' Life
Cycle Guide to Investing," should prove very helpful to people of all ageso This chapter alone is worth the cost of a high-priced appointment with a personal financial adviser. My debts of gratitude to those mentioned in earlier editions continue 0 In addition, I must mention the names of a number of people who were particularly helpful in making special contributions to the ninth edition. They include Kevin Laughlin of the Bogle Research Institute and Ker Moua of the Vanguard Group, who helped me revise and update all of the facts and figures in the booko I am also grateful to John Americus and Ellen Renaldi of Vanguard for their helpful comments on retirement investingo Derek Jun and Amie Ko provided invaluable research assistanceo Melissa Orlowski made an extraordinary contribution by deciphering my impenetrable notes and turning illegible drafts into readable text as well as by providing excellent research assistanceo My association with Wo Wo Norton remains a superb collaboration, and I thank Brendan Curry and Drake McFeely for their indispensable assistance in bringing this edition to publicationo Patricia Taylor continued her association with the project and made extremely valuable editorial contributions to the ninth edition.
My wife, Nancy Weiss Malkiel, has made by far the most important contributions to the successful completion of the past five editionso In addition to providing the most loving encouragement and support, she read carefully through various drafts of the manuscript and made innumerable sugges'
tions that clarified and vastly improved the writing 0 She continues to be able to find errors that have eluded me and a variety of proofreaders and editors 0 Most important, she has brought incredible joy to my life 0 No one more deserved the dedication of a book than she and her second-best friend.
Burton Go Malkiel
Princeton University
June 2006
PART ONE Stocks and Their Value
1. Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air
What is a cynic? A man who knows the price of everything, and the value of nothing.
—Oscar Wilde, Lady Windermere's Fan
—Oscar Wilde, Lady Windermere's Fan
In this book I will take you on a random walk down Wall Street, providing a guided tour of the complex world of finance and practical advice on investment opportunities and strategies. Many people say that the individual investor has scarcely a chance today against Wall Street's professionals.
They point to professional investment strategies using complex derivative instruments, and they read news reports of accounting fraud, corporate scams, mammoth takeovers, and the activities of well-financed hedge funds 0 This complexity suggests that there is no longer any room for the individual investor in today's institutionalized markets 0 Nothing could be further from the truth. You can do as well as the experts-perhaps even better. As I'll point out later, it was the steady investors who kept their heads ,when the stock market tanked in October
1987, and then saw the value of their holdings eventually recover and continue to produce attractive returnso And many of the pros lost their shirts during the 1990s using derivative strategies they failed to understand, as well as during the early 2000s when they overloaded their portfolios with overpriced tech stocks.
This book is a succinct guide for the individual investoro It covers everything from insurance to income taxes. It tells you how to buy life insurance and how to avoid getting ripped off by banks and brokerso It will even tell you what to do about gold and diamonds 0 But primarily it is a book about common stocks-an investment medium that not only provided generous long-run returns in the past but also appears to represent good possibilities for the years aheado The life-cycle investment guide described in Part Four gives individuals of all age groups specific portfolio recommendations for meeting their financial goals, including advice on how to invest in retirement.
What Is a Random Walk?
A random walk is one in which future steps or directions cannot be predicted on the basis of past actionso When the term is applied to the stock market, it means that short-run changes in stock prices cannot be predictedo Investment advisory services, earnings predictions, and complicated chart patterns are uselesso On Wall Street, the term "random walk"
is an obscenityo It is an epithet coined by the academic world and hurled insultingly at the professional soothsayers 0 Taken to its logical extreme, it means that a blindfolded monkey throwing darts at a newspaper's financial pages could select a portfolio that would do just as well as one carefully selected by the experts.
Now, financial analysts in pin-striped suits do not like being compared to bare-assed apeso They retort that academics are so immersed in equations and Greek symbols (to say nothing of stuffy prose) that they couldn't tell a bull from a bear, even in a china shopo Market professionals arm themselves against the academic onslaught with one of two techniques, called fundamental analysis and technical analysis, which we will examine in Part Two 0 Academics parry these tactics by obfuscating the random-walk theory with three versions (the "weak," the "semistrong," and the "strong") and by creating their own theory, called the new investment technologyo This last includes a concept called beta, and I intend to trample on that a bit. By the early 2000s, even some academics joined the professionals in arguing that the stock market was at least somewhat predictable
Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air
25
after all. Still, as you can see, there's a tremendous battle going on, and it's fought with deadly intent because the stakes are tenure for the academics and bonuses for the professionals 0
That's why I think you'll enjoy this random walk down Wall
Street. It has all the ingredients of high drama-including fori tunes made and lost and classic arguments about their cause.
But before we begin, perhaps I should introduce myself and state my qualifications as guideo I have drawn on three aspects of my background in writing this book; each provides a different perspective on the stock market.
First is my professional experience in the fields of investment analysis and portfolio management. I started my career as a market professional with one of Wall Street's leading investment firms. Later, I chaired the investment committee of an insurance company with $800 billion of assets and for many years served as a director of one of the world's largest investment companies with over one trillion dollars of assetso These perspectives have been indispensable to meo Some things in life can never fully be appreciated or understood by a virgin 0 The same might be said of the stock market.
Second is my current position as an economist. Specializing in securities markets and investment behavior, I have acquired detailed knowledge of academic research and findings on investment opportunitieso I have relied on many new research findings in framing recommendations for you.
Last, and certainly not least, I have been a lifelong investor and successful participant in the market. How successful I will not say, for it is a peculiarity of the academic world that a professor is not supposed to make moneyo A professor may inherit lots of money, marry lots of money, and spend lots of money, but he or she is never, never supposed to earn lots of money; it's unacademico Anyway, teachers are supposed to be "dedicated,"
or so politicians and administrators often say-especially when trying to justify the low academic pay scaleso Academics are supposed to be seekers of knowledge, not of financial rewardo It is in the former sense, therefore, that I shall tell you of my victories on Wall Street.
This book has a lot of facts and figureso Don't let that worry youo It is specifically intended for the financial layperson and offers practical, tested investment adviceo You need no prior al
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
lcnowltdSI to follow It. All you need is the interest and the d..lre to hive your Investments work for you.
Investing as a Way of Life Today
At this point, it's probably a good idea to explain what I
mean by "investing" and how I distinguish this activity from
"speculating." I view investing as a method of purchasing assets to gain profit in the form of reasonably predictable income (dividends, interest, or rentals) and/or appreciation over the long term. It is the definition of the time period for the investment return and the predictability of the returns that often distinguish an investment from a speculation. A speculator buys stocks hoping for a short--term gain over the next days or weeks.
An investor buys stocks likely to produce a dependable future stream of cash returns and capital gains when measured over years or decades.
Let me make it quite clear that this is not a book for speculators: I am not going to promise you overnight riches. I am not promising you stock-market miracles. Indeed, a subtitle for s book might well have been The Get Rich Slowly but Surely Book.
Remember, just to stay even, your investments have to produce a rate of return equal to inflation. ,
Inflation in the United States and throughout most of the developed world fell to the 2 percent level in the early 2000s, and some analysts believe that relative price stability will continue indefinitely. They suggest that inflation is the exception rather than the rule and that historical periods of rapid technological progress and peacetime economies were periods of stable or even falling prices. It may well be that little or no inflation will occur during the first decades of the twenty-first century, but I believe investors should not dismiss the possibility that inflation will accelerate again at some time in th
future. While productivity growth accelerated in the 1990s and early 2000s, history tells us' that the pace of improvement has always been uneven. Moreover, productivity improvements are harder to come by in some service-oriented activities. It still will take four musicians to playa string quartet and one surgeon to perform an appendectomy throughout the twenty-first ce
Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air
27
tury, and if musicians' and surgeons' salaries rise over time, so will the cost of concert tickets and appendectomieso Thus, it would be a mistake to think that upward pressure on prices is no longer a worry.
If inflation were to proceed at a 2 to 3 percent rate-a rate much lower than we had in the 1970s nd early 1980s-the effect on our purchasing power would still be devastatingo The following table shows what an average inflation rate of approximately 4 percent has done over the 1962-2006 periodo My morning newspaper has risen 1,900 percent. My afternoon Hershey bar has risen fifteenfold, and it's actually smaller than it was in 1962, when I was in graduate school. If inflation continued at the same rate, today's morning paper would cost more than two dollars by the year 20200 It is clear that if we are to cope with even a mild inflation, we must undertake investment strategies that maintain our real purchasing power; otherwise, we are doomed to an ever-decreasing standard of living.
Investing requires work, make no mistake about it. Romantic novels are replete with tales of great family fortunes lost through neglect or lack of knowledge on how to care for moneyo Who can forget the sounds of the cherry orchard being cut down in
Chekhov's great play? Free enterprise, not the Marxist system, caused the downfall of the Ranevsky family: They had not worked to keep their moneyo Even if you trust all your funds to an
The Bite of Inflation
Average Average
1962 2006
Consumer Price Index 30020 203.10
Hershey bar $005 $.75
New York Times 005 1.00
First-class postage .04 .39
Gasoline (gallon) .31 2.56
Hamburger (McDonald's double) .28* 3.25
Chevrolet 2,529.00 23,750.00
Refrigerator freezer 470.00 950.00
Percentage
Increase
572.5
1,400.0
1,900.0
875.0
725.8
1,060.7
839.1
102.1
Compound
Annual
Rate of
Inflation
4.4%
6.2
7.0
5.3
4.9
5.5
5.2
1.6
Source: For 1962 prices. Forbes. Nov. 1. 1977. and various government and private sources for 2006 prices.
* 1963 data.
28
STOCKS AND THEIR V ALOE
investment adviser or to a mutual fund, you still have to know which adviser or which fund is most suitable to handle your moneyo Armed with the information contained in this book, you should find it a bit easier to make your investment decisions.
Most important of all, however, is the fact that investing is funo It's fun to pit your intellect against that of the vast investment community and to find yourself rewarded with an increase in assetso It's exciting to review your investment returns and to see how they are accumulating at a faster rate than your salaryo And it's also stimulating to learn about new ideas for products and services, and innovations in the forms of financial investmentso A successful investor is generally a wellrounded individual who puts a natural curiosity and an intellectual interest to work to earn more moneyo
Investing in Theory
All investment returns-whether from common stocks or exceptional diamonds-are dependent, to varying degrees, on future eventso That's what makes the fascination of investing:
It's a gamble whose success depends on an ability to predict the future 0 Traditionally, the pros in the investment community have used one of two approaches to asset valuation: the firmfoundation theory or the castle-in-the-air theoryo Millions of dollars have been gained and lost on these theorieso To add to the drama, they appear to be mutually exclusive. An understanding of these two approaches is essential if you are to make sensible inv,estment decisions. It is also a prerequisite for keeping you safe from serious blunderso Toward the end of the twentieth century, a third theory, born in academia and named the new investment technology, became popular on "the Street."
Later in the book, I will describe that theory and its application to investment analysiso
The Firm-Foundation Theory
The firm-foundation theory argues that each investment instrument, be it a common stock or a piece of real estate, has a
Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air
29
firm anchor of something called intrinsic value, which can be determined by careful analysis of present conditions and future prospectso When market prices fall below (rise above) this firm foundation of intrinsic value, a buying (selling) opportunity arises, because this fluctuation will eventually be corrected-or so the theory goeso Investing then becomes a dull but straightforward matter of comparing something's actual price with its firm foundation of value.
It is difficult to ascribe to anyone individual the credit for originating the firm-foundation theory. S. Eliot Guild is often given this distinction, but the classic development of the technique and particularly of the nuances associated with it was worked out by John Bo Williams 0
In The Theory of Investment Value, Williams presented an actual formula for determining' the intrinsic value of stock.
Williams based his approach on dividend incomeo In a fiendishly clever attempt to keep things from being simple, he introduced the concept of "discounting" into the processo Discounting basically involves looking at income backwards 0
Rather than seeing how much money you will have next year
(say $1005 if you put $1 in a savings certificate at 5 percent interest), you look at money expected in the future and see how much less it is currently worth (thus, next year's $1 is worth today only about 95<1:, which could be invested at 5 percent to produce approximately $1 at that time).
Williams actually was serious about this 0 He went on to argue that the intrinsic value of a stock was equal to the present
(or discounted) value of all its future dividendso Investors were advised to "discount" the value of moneys received later.
Because so few people understood it, the term caught on and
"discounting" now enjoys popular usage among investment peopleo It received a further boost under the aegis of Professor
Irving Fisher of Yale, a distinguished economist and investor.
The logic of the firm-foundation theory is quite respectable and can be illustrated with common stockso The theory stresses that a stock's value ought to be based on the stream of earnings a firm will be able to distribute in the future in the form of dividendso It stands to reason that the greater the present dividends and their rate of increase, the greater the value of the stock; thus, differences in growth rates are a major factor in stock val
30
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
uationo Now the slippery little factor of future expectations sneaks ino Security analysts must estimate not only long-term growth rates but also how long an extraordinary growth can be maintainedo When the market gets overly enthusiastic about how far in the future growth can continue, it is popularly held on Wall Street that stocks are discounting not only the future but perhaps even the hereaftero The point is that the firmfoundation theory relies on some tricky forecasts of the extent and duration of future growth 0 The foundation of intrinsic value may thus be less dependable than is claimed.
The firm-foundation theory is not confined to economists aloneo Thanks to a very influential book, Benjamin Graham and David Dodd's Security Analysis, a whole generation of Wall
Street security analysts was converted to the foldo Sound investment management, the practicing analysts learned, simply consisted of buying securities whose prices were temporarily below intrinsic value and selling ones whose prices were temporarily too higho It was that easyo Of course, instructions for determining intrinsic value were furnished, and any analyst worth his or her salt could calculate it with just a few taps of the personal computero Perhaps the most successful disciple of the Graham and Dodd approach was a canny midwesterner named Warren Buffett, who is often called "the sage of
Omahao" Buffett compiled a legendary investment record, allegedly following the approach of the firm-foundation theory.
The Castle-in-the-Air Theory
The castle-in-the-air theory of investing concentrates on psychic valueso John Maynard Keynes, a famous economist and successful investor, enunciated the theory most lucidly in 19360
It was his opinion that professional investors prefer to devote their energies not to estimating intrinsic values, but rather to analyzing how the crowd of investors is likely to behave in the future and how during periods of optimism they tend to build their hopes into castles in the airo The successful investor tries to beat the gun by estimating what investment situations are most susceptible to public castle-building and then buying before the crowd.
Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air
31
According to Keynes, the firm-foundation theory involves too much work and is of doubtful valueo Keynes practiced what he preachedo While London's financial men toiled many weary hours in crowded offices, he played the market from his bed for half an hour each morningo This leisurely method of investing earned him several million pounds for his account and a tenfold increase in the market value of the endowment of his college, King's College, Cambridge.
In the depression years in which Keynes gained his fame, most people concentrated on his ideas for stimulating the economyo It was hard for anyone to build castles in the air or to dream that others wouldo Nevertheless, in his book The General
Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, Keynes devoted an entire chapter to the stock market and to the importance of investor expectations.
With regard to stocks, Keynes noted that no one knows for sure what will influence future earnings prospects and dividend payments 0 As a result, he said, most persons are "largely concerned, not with making superior long-term forecasts of the probable yield of an investment over its whole life, but with foreseeing changes in the conventional basis of valuation a short time ahead of the general publico" Keynes, in other words, applied psychological principles rather than financial evaluation to the study of the stock market. He wrote, "It is not sensible to pay 25 for an investment of which you believe the prospective yield to justify a value of 30, if you also believe that the market will value it "at 20 three months henceo"
Keynes described the playing of the stock market in terms readily understandable by his fellow Englishmen: It is analogous to entering a newspaper beauty-judging contest in which one must select the six prettiest faces out of a hundred photographs, with the prize going to the person whose selections most nearly conform to those of the group as a whole.
The smart player recognizes that personal criteria of beauty are irrelevant in determining the contest winnero A better strategy is to select those faces the other players are likely to fancy.
This logic tends to snowball. Mter all, the other participants are likely to play the game with at least as keen a perceptiono Thus, the optimal strategy is not to pick those faces the player thinks are prettiest, or those the other players are likely to fancy, but
32
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
rather to predict what the average opinion is likely to be about what the average opinion will be, or to proceed even further along this sequenceo So much for British beauty contestso
-The newspaper-contest analogy represents the ultimate form of the castle-in-the-air theory of price determinationo An investment is worth a certain price to a buyer because she expects to sell it to someone else at a higher priceo The investment, in other words, holds itself up by its own bootstrapso The new buyer in turn anticipates that future buyers will assign a still higher value.
In this kind of world, a sucker is born every minute-and he exists to buy your investments at a higher price than you paid for themo Any price will do as long as others may be willing to pay more 0 There is no reason, only mass psychologyo All the smart investor has to do is to beat the gun-get in at the very beginningo This theory might less charitably be called the
"greater fool" theoryo It's perfectly all right to pay three times what something is worth as long as later on you can find some innocent to pay five times what it's worth.
The castle-in-the-air theory has many advocates, in both the financial and the academic communitieso Robert Shiller, in his best-selling book Irrational Exuberance, argues that the mania in Internet and high-tech stocks during the late 1990s can be explained only in terms of mass psychologyo At universities, socalled behavioral theories of the stock market, stressing crowd psychology, gained favor during the early 2000s at leading economics departments and business schools across the developed worldo The psychologist Daniel Kahneman won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2002 for his seminal contributions to the field of "behavioral financeo" Earlier, Oskar Morgenstern was a leading championo Morgenstern argued that the search for intrinsic value in stocks is a search for the will-o'-the-wispo In an exchange economy the value of any asset depends on an actual or prospective transaction 0 He believed that every investor should post the following Latin maxim above his desk:
Res tantum valet quantum vendi potest.
(A thing is worth only what someone else will pay for it.)
Firm Foundations and Castles in the Air
33
How the Random Walk Is to Be Conducted
With this introduction out of the way, come join me for a random walk through the investment woods, with an ultimate stroll down Wall Street. My first task will be to acquaint you with the historical patterns of pricing and how they bear on the two theories of pricing investments. It was Santayana who warned that if we did not learn the lessons of the past we would be doomed to repeat the same errorso Therefore, in the pages to come I will describe some spectacular crazes-both long past and recently past. Some readers may pooh-pooh the mad public rush to buy tulip bulbs in seventeenth-century,Holland and the eighteenth-century South Sea Bubble in England 0 But no one can disregard the new-issue mania of the early 1960s, or the
"Nifty Fifty" craze of the 1970so The incredible boom in Japanese land and stock prices and the equally spectacular crash of those prices in the early 1990s, as well as the "Internet craze" of
1999 and early 2000, provide continual warnings that neither individuals nor investment professionals are immune from the errors of the past.
2
The Madness of
Crowds
Octobero This is one of the peculiarly dangerous months to speculate in stocks ino The others are July, January, September, April,
November, May, March, June, December, August and February.
-Mark Twain, Pudd'nhead Wilson
. Greed run amok has been an essential feature of every spectacular boom in historyo In their frenzy for money, market participants throw over firm foundations of value for the dubious but thrilling assumption that they too can make a killing by building castles in the airo Such thinking can, and has, enveloped entire nations.
The psychology of speculation is a veritable theater of the absurdo Several of its plays are presented in this chaptero The castles that were built during the performances were based on
Dutch tulip bulbs, English "bubbles," and good old American blue-chip stockso In each case, some of the people made some money some of the time, but only a very few emerged unscathed.
History, in this instance, does teach a lesson: Although the castle-in-the-air theory can well .explain such speculative binges, outguessing the reactions of a fickle crowd is a most dangerous gameo "In crowds it is stupidity and not mother-wit that is accumulated," Gustave Le Bon noted in his 1895 classic on crowd psychologyo It would appear that not many have read the booko Skyrocketing markets that depend on purely psychic
The Madness of Crowds
35
support have invariably succumbed to the financial law of gravitationo Unsustainable prices may persist for years, but eventually they reverse themselves 0 Such reversals come with the suddenness of an earthquake; and the bigger the binge, the greater the resulting hangovero Few of the reckless buildes of castles in the air have been nimble enough to anticipate these reversals perfectly and escape without losing a great deal of money when everything came tumbling downo
The Thlip-Bulb Craze
The tulip-bulb craze was one of the most spectacular getrich-quick binges in historyo Its excesses become even more vivid when one realizes that it happened in staid old Holland in the early seventeenth centuryo The events leading to this speculative frenzy were set in motion in 1593 when a newly appointed botany professor from Vienna brought to Leyden a collection of unusual plants that had originated in Turkeyo The
Dutch were fascinated with this new addition to the gardenbut not with the professor's asking price (he had hoped to sell the bulbs and make a handsome profit)o One night a thief broke into the professor's house and stole the bulbs, which were subsequently sold at a lower price but at greater profit.
Over the next decade or so, the tulip became a popular but expensive item in Dutch gardens 0 Many of these flowers succumbed to a nonfatal virus known as mosaico It was this mosaic that helped to trigger the wild speculation in tulip bulbso The virus caused the tulip petals to develop contrasting colored stripes or "flameso" The Dutch valued highly these infected bulbs, calld bizarreso In a short time, popular taste dictated that the more bizarre a bulb, the greater the cost of owning it.
Slowly, tulipmania set ino At first, bulb merchants simply tried to predict the most popular variegated style for the coming year, much as clothing manufacturers do in gauging the public's taste in fabric, color, and hemlineso Then they would buy an extra-large stockpile to anticipate a rise in priceo Tulipbulb prices began to rise wildlyo The more expensive the bulbs became, the more people viewed them as smart investments 0
Charles Mackay, who chronicled these events in his book Extra
36
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
ordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds, noted that the ordinary industry of the country was dropped in favor of speculation in tulip bulbs: "Nobles, citizens, farmers, mechanics, seamen, footmen, maid-servants, even chimney sweeps and old clotheswomen dabbled in tulipso" Everyone imagined that the passion for tulips would last forever and buyers from allover the world would come to Holland and pay whatever prices were asked for them.
People who said the prices could not possibly go higher watched with chagrin as their friends and relatives made enormous profitso The temptation to join them was hard to resist; few Dutchmen dido In the last years of the tulip spree, which lasted approximately from 1634 to early 1637, people started to barter their personal belongings, such as land, jewels, and furniture, to obtain the bulbs that would make them even wealthiero Bulb prices reached astronomical levels.
Part of the genius of financial markets is that when there is a real demand for a method to enhance speculative opportunities, the market will surely provide it. The instruments that enabled tulip speculators to get the most action for their money were
"call options" similar to those popular today in the stock market.
A call option conferred on the holder the right to buy tulip bulbs (call for their delivery) at a fixed price (usually approximating the current market price) during a specified period. He was charged an amount called the option premium, which might run 15 to 20 percent of the current market priceo An option on a tulip bulb currently worth 100 guilders, for example, would cost the buyer only about 20 guilders 0 If the price moved up to 200 guilders, the option holder would exercise his right; he would buy at 100 and simultaneously sell at the then current price of 2000 He then had a profit of 80 guilders (the 100
guilders' appreciation less the 20 guilders he paid for the option) 0 Thus, he enjoyed a fourfold increase in his money, whereas an outright purchase would only have doubled his moneyo By using the call option it was possible to play the market with a much smaller stake as well as to get more action out of any money investedo Options provide one way to leverage one's investment to increase the potential rewards as well as the risks. Such devices helped to ensure broad participation in the market. The same is true today.
The Madness of Crowds
37
The history of the period was filled with tragicomic episodeso One such incident concerned a returning sailor who brought news to a wealthy merchant of the arrival of a shipment of new goodso The merchant rewarded him with a breakfast of fine red herringo Seeing what he thought was an onion on the merchant's counter, and no doubt thinking it very much out of place amid silks and velvets, he proceeded to take it as a relish for his herring. Little did he dream that the "onion" would have fed a whole ship's crew for a yearo It was a costly Semper Augustus tulip bulbo The sailor paid dearly for his relish-his no longer grateful host had him imprisoned for several months on a felony charge.
Historians regularly reinterpret the past, and some financial historians who have reexamined the evidence about various financial bubbles have argued that considerable rationality in pricing may have existed after all. One of these revisionist historians, Peter Garber, has suggested that tulip-bulb pricing in seventeenth-century Holland was far more rational than is commonly believed.
Garber makes some good points, and I do not mean to imply that there was no rationality at all in the structure of bulb prices during the periodo The Semper Augustus, for example, was a particularly rare and beautiful bulb and, as Garber reveals, was valued greatly even in the years before the tulipmaniao Moreover, Garber's research indicates that rare individual bulbs commanded high prices even after the general collapse of bulb prices, albeit at levels that were only a fraction of their peak priceso But Garber can find no raional explanation for such phenomena as a twentyfold increase in tulip-bulb prices during
January of 1637 followed by an even larger decline in prices in
Februaryo Apparently, as happens in all speculative crazes, prices eventually got so high that some people decided they would be prudent and sell their bulbso Soon others followed suit. Like a snowball rolling downhill, bulb deflation grew at an increasingly rapid pace, and in no time at all panic reigned.
Government ministers stated officially that there was no reason for tulip bulbs to fall in price-but no one listenedo Dealers went bankrupt and refused to honor their commitments to buy tulip bulbso A government plan to settle all contracts at 10
percent of their face value was frustrated when bulbs fell even
:IB
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
below this marko And prices continued to declineo Down and down they went until most bulbs became almost worthlessselling for no more than the price of a common oniono
The South Sea Bubble
Suppose your broker has called you and recommended that you invest in a new company with no sales or earnings-just great prospectso "What business?" you sayo "I'm sorry," your broker explains, "no one must know what the business is, but I can promise you enormous richeso" A con game, you sayo Right you are, but 300 years ago in England this was one of the hottest new issues of the periodo And, just as you guessed, investors got very badly burnedo The story illustrates how fraud can make greedy people even more eager to part with their money.
At the time of the South Sea Bubble, the British were ripe for throwing away moneyo A long period of English prosperity had resulted in fat savings and thin investment outletso In those days, owning stock was considered something of a privilegeo As late as 1693, for example, only 499 souls benefited from ownership of East India stocko They reaped rewards in several ways, not least of which was that their dividends were untaxedo Also, their number included women, for stock represented one of the few forms of property that British women could possess in their own right. The South Sea Company, which obligingly filled the need for investment vehicles, had been formed in 1711 to restore faith in the government's ability to meet its obligations.
The company took on a government IOU of almost £10 million.
As a reward, it was given a monopoly over all trade to the South
Seaso The public believed immense riches were to be made in such trade and regarded the stock with distinct favor.
From the very beginning, the South Sea Cpmpany reaped profits at the expense of otherso Holders of the government securities to be assumed by the company simply ,exchanged their securities for those of the South Sea Companyo Those with prior knowledge of the plan quietly bought up government securities selling as low as £55 and then turned them in at par for £100 worth of South Sea stock when the company was incorporated 0 Not a single director of the company had the
The Madness of Crowds
39
slightest experience in South American tradeo This did not stop them from quickly outfitting Mrican slave ships (the sale of slaves being one of the most lucrative features of South American trade) 0 But even this venture did not prove profitable, because the mortality rate on the ships was so high.
The directors were, however, wise in the art of public appearance 0 An impressive house in London was rented, and the boardroom was furnished with thirty black Spanish upholstered chairs whose beechwood frames and gilt nails made them handsome to look at but uncomfortable to sit ino In the meantime, a shipload of company wool that was desperately needed in Vera Cruz was sent instead to Cartagena, where it rotted on the wharf for lack of buyerso Still, the stock of the com
pany held its own and even rose modestly over the next few years despite the dilutive effect of "bonus" stock dividends and a war with Spain that led to a temporary collapse in trading opportunitieso John Carswell, the author of an excellent history,
The South Sea Bubble, wrote of John Blunt, a director and one of the prime promoters of the securities of the South Sea Company, that "he continued to live his life with a prayer-book in his right hand and a prospectus in his left, never letting his right hand know what his left hand was doingo"
Across the Channel, another stock company was formed by an exiled Englishman named John Lawo Law's great goal in life was to replace metal as money and create more liquidity through a national paper currency backed by the state and controlled through a network of local agencieso To further his purpose, Law acquired a derelict concern called the Mississippi
Company and proceeded to build a conglomerate that became one of the largest capital enterprises ever to exist.
The Mississippi Company attracted speculators and their money from throughout the Continent. The word "millionaire"
was invented at this time, and no wonder: The price of Mississippi stock rose from 100 to 2,000 in just two years, even though there was no logical reason for such an increaseo At one time the inflated total market value of the stock of the Mississippi Company in France was more than eighty times that of all the gold and silver in the country.
Meanwhile, back on the English side of the Channel, a bit of jingoism now began to appear in some of the great English
40
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
houseso Why should all the money be going to the French Mississippi Company? What did England have to counter this?
The answer was the South Sea Company, whose prospects were beginning to look a bit better, especially with the December 1719 news that there would be peace with Spain and hence the way to the South American trade would at last be clearo Mexicans supposedly were waiting for the opportunity to empty their gold mines in return for England's abundant supply of cotton and woolen goodso This was free enterprise at its finest.
In 1720, the directors, an avaricious lot, decided to capitalize on their reputation by offering to fund the entire national debt, amounting to £31 milliono This was boldness indeed, and the public loved it. When a bill to that effect was introduced in
Parliament, the stock promptly rose from £130 to £3000
Various friends and backers who had shown interest in getting the bill passed were rewarded with an option: The individual was granted a certain amount of stock without having to pay for it; it was simply "sold" back to the company when the price went up, and the individual collected only the profit. Among those rewarded were George I's mistress and her "nieces," all of whom bore a startling resemblance to the king.
On April 12, 1720, five days after the bill became law, the
South Sea Company sold a new issue of stock at £3000 The issue could be bought on the installment plan-£60 down and the rest in eight easy paymentso Even the king could not resist; he subscribed for stock totaling £100,0000 Fights broke out among other investors surging to buyo The price advanced to £340
within a few days 0 To ease the public appetite, the South Sea directors announced another new issue-this one at £4000 But the public was ravenouso Within a month the stock was £550, and it was still risingo On June 15 yet another issue was put forth, and this time the payment plan was even easier-l0 percent down and not another payment for a yearo The stock hit
£8000 Half the House of Lords and more than half the House of
Commons signed ono Eventually, the price rose to £1,0000 The speculative craze was in full bloom.
Not even the South Sea Company was capable of handling the demands of all the fools who wanted to be parted from their
The Madness of Crowds
41
moneyo Investors looked for other new ventures where they could get in on the ground flooro Just as speculators today search for the next Microsoft and the next Google, so in England in the early 1700s they looked for the next South Sea
Companyo Promoters obliged by organizing and bringing to the market a flood of new issues to meet the insatiable craving for investment.
As the days passed, new financing proposals ranged from ingenious to absurd-from importing a large number of jackasses from Spain (even though there was an abundant supply in
England) to making salt water fresho Increasingly the promotions involved some element of fraud, such as making boards out of sawdust. There were nearly one hundred different projects, each more extravagant and deceptive than the other, but each offering the hope of immense gaino They soon received the name of "bubbles," as appropriate a name as could be devised.
Like bubbles, they popped quickly-usually within a week or sO.
The public, it seemed, would buy anything. New companies seeking financing during this period were organized for such purposes as the building of ships against pirates; encouraging the breeding of horses in England; trading in human hair; building hospitals for bastard children; extracting silver from lead; extracting s11nlight from cucumbers; and even producing a wheel of perpetual motion.
The prize, however, must surely go to the unknown soul who started ' Company for carrying on an undertaking of great advantage, but nobody to know what it iso" The prospectus promised unheard-of rewardso At nine o'clock in the morning, when tne subscription books opened, crowds of people from all walks of life practically beat down the door in an effort to subscribeo Within five hours 1,000 investors handed over their money for shares in the companyo Not being greedy himself, the promoter promptly closed up shop and set off for the Continent.
He was never heard from again.
Not all investors in the bubble companies believed in the feasibility of the schemes to which they subscribedo People were "too sensible" for that. They did believe, however, in the
"greater fool" theory-that prices would rise, that buyers would be found, and that they would make moneyo Thus, most investors considered their actions the height of rationality,
The Madness of Crowds
43
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42
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
expecting that they could sell their shares at a premium in the
"after market," that is, the trading market in the shares after their initial issue.
Whom the gods would destroy, they first ridiculeo Signs that the end was near were demonstrated with the issuance of a pack of South Sea playing cardso Each card contained a caricature of a bubble company, with an appropriate verse inscribed underneath 0 One of these, the Puckle Machine Company, was supposed to produce machines discharging both round and square cannonballs and bulletso Puckle claimed that his machine would revolutionize the art of waro The eight of spades, shown on the following page, described it as follows:
A rare invention to destroy the crowd,
Of fools at home instead of foes abroad:
Fear not my friends, this terrible machine,
They're only wounded who have shares thereino
Many individual bubbles had been pricked ,without dampening the speculative enthusiasm, but the deluge came in
August with an irreparable puncture to the South Sea Companyo This was self-administered by its directors and officers.
Realizing that the price of the shares in the market bore no relationship to the real prospects of the company, they sold out in the summer.
The news leaked and the stock fell. Soon the price of the shares collapsed and panic reignedo The chart on page 44 shows the spectacular rise and fall of the stock of the South Sea Companyo Government officials tried in vain to restore confidence, and a complete collapse of the public credit was barely averted.
Similarly, the price of Mississippi Company shares fell to a pittance as the public realized that an excess of paper currency creates no real wealth, only inflationo Big losers in the South
Sea Bubble included Isaac Newton, who exclaimed, "I can calculate the motions of heavenly bodies, but not the madness of peopleo" So much for castles in the air.
To protect the public from further abuses, Parliament passed
. the Bubble Act, which forbade the issuing of stock certificates by companies 0 For more than a century, until the act was
44
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
British South Sea Company Stock Price, 1717-1722
Pounds
Source: Larry Neal, The Rise of Financial Capitalism (Cambridge University Press, 1990).
repealed in 1825, there were relatively few'share certificates in the British market.
Wall Street Lays an Egg
The bulbs and bubbles are, admittedly, ancient history.
Could the same sort of thing happen in sophisticated modern times? Let's turn to more recent and familiar events from our own past and seeo America, the land of opportunity, had its turn in the 1920so And given our emphasis on freedom and growth, we produced one of the most spectacular booms and loudest crashes civilization has ever known.
Conditions could not have been more favorable for a speculative craze 0 The country had been experiencing unrivaled prosperityo One could not but have faith in American business, and as Calvin Coolidge said, "The business of America is bus inesso" Businessmen were likened to religious missionaries and almost deifiedo Such analogies were even made in the opposite
The Madness of Crowds
45
directiono Bruce Barton, of the New York advertising agency
Batten, Barton, Durstine & Osborn, wrote in The Man Nobody
Knows that Jesus was "the first businessman" and that his parables were "the most powerful advertisements of all timeo"
Beginning in 1928, ..stock-market speculation became a national pastimeo From early March 1928 through early September 1929, the market's percentage increase equaled that of the entire period from 1923 through early 19280 The price rises for the major industrial corporations sometimes reached 10 or
15 points per dayo The extent of these rises is illustrated in the table belowo
Securi ty
American Telephone & Telegraph
Bethlehem Steel
General Electric
Montgomery Ward
National Cash Register
Radio Corporation of America
Opening
Price
March 3,
1928
179
56%
128%
132%
50%
94
High Price
September 3,
1929*
335%
140%
396
466
127
505
Percentage
Gain in
18 Months
8700
14608
20708
25104
15102
434.5
*Adjusted for stock splits and the value of rights received subsequent to March 3, 1928.
Not "everybody" was speculating in the market, as was commonly assumedo Borrowing to buy stocks (buying on margin)
did increase from only $1 billion in 1921 to almost $9 billion in
19290 Nevertheless, only about 1 million people owned stocks on margin in 19290 Still, the speculative spirit was at least as widespread as in the previous crazes and was certainly unrivaled in its intensityo More important, stock-market speculation was central to the cultureo John Brooks, in Once in Golconda, *
recounted the remarks of a British correspondent newly arrived in New York: "You could talk about Prohibition, or Hemingway, or air conditioning, or music, or horses, but in the end you had to talk about the stock market, and that was when the conversation became seriouso"
Unfortunately, there were hundreds of smiling operators
*Golconda, now in ruins, was a city in India. According to legend, everyone who passed through it became rich.
46
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
only too glad to help the public construct castles in the air.
Manipulation on the stock exchange set new records for unscrupulousness 0 No better example can be found than the operation of investment poolso One such undertaking raised the price of RCA stock 61 points in four days.
An investment pool required close cooperation on the one hand and complete disdain for the public on the othero Generally such operations began when a number of traders banded together to manipulate a particular stocko They appointed a pool manager
(who justifiably was considered something of an artist) and promised not to double-cross each other through private operations.
The pool manager accumulated a large block of stock through inconspicuous buying over a period of weekso If possible, he obtained an option to buy a substantial block of stock at the current market price within a stated period of, say, three or six monthso Next he tried to enlist the stock's specialist on the exchange floor as an ally.
Pool members were in the swim with the specialist on their sideo A stock-exchange specialist functions as a broker's broker.
If a stock was trading at $50 a share and you gave your broker an order to buy at $45, the broker typically left that order with the specialist. If and when the stock fell to $45, the specialist then executed the ordero All such orders to buy below the market price or sell above it were kept in the specialist's supposedly private "booko" Now you see why the specialist could be so valuable to the pool managero The book gave information about the extent of existing orders to buy and sell at prices below and above the current market. It was always helpful to know as many of the cards of the public players as possibleo Now the real fun was ready to begin.
Generally, at this point the pool manager had members of the pool trade among themselves 0 For example, Haskell sells 200
shares to Sidney at 40, and Sidney sells them back at 400 The process is repeated with 400 shares at prices of 40 an 400
Next comes the sale of a 1,000-share block at 40%, followed by another at 40%0 These sales were recorded on ticker tapes across the country, and the illusion of activity was conveyed to the thousands of tape watchers who crowded into the brokerage offices of the countryo Such activity, generated by so-called wash sales, created the impression that something big was afoot.
The Madness of Crowds
47
Now tipsheet writers and market commentators under the control of the pool manager would tell of exciting developments in the offing 0 The pool manager also tried to ensure that the flow of news from the company's management was increasingly favorableo If all went well, and in the speculative atmosphere of the 1928-29 period it could hardly miss, the combination of tape activity and managed news would bring the public in.
Once the public came in, the free-for-all started and it was time discreetly to "pull the plugo" As the public did the buying, the pool did the sellingo The pool manager began feeding stock into the market, first slowly and then in larger and larger blocks before the public could collect its senseso At the end of the roller-coaster ride, the pool members had netted large profits and the public was left holding the suddenly deflated stock.
But people didn't have to band together to defraud the publico Many individuals, particularly corporate officers and directors, did quite well on their owno Take Albert Wiggin, the head of Chase, the nation's second-largest bank at the timeo In July
1929 Mro Wiggin became apprehensive about the dizzy heights to which stocks had climbed and no longer felt comfortable speculating on the bull side of the market. (He was rumored to have made millions in a pool boosting the price of his own banko) Believing that the prospects for his own bank's stock were particularly dim, he sold short more than 42,000 shares of
Chase stocko Selling short is a way to make money if stock prices fall. It involves selling stock you do not currently own in the expectation of buying it back later at a lower priceo It's hoping to buy low and sell high, but in reverse order.
Wiggin's timing was perfect. Immediately after the short sale the price of Chase stock began to fall, and when the crash came in the fall the stock dropped precipitously, When the account was closed in November, he had netted a multimillion-dollar profit from the operationo Conflicts of interest apparently did not trouble Mro Wiggin 0 In fairness, it should be pointed out that he did retain a net ownership position in Chase stock during this period.
Nevertheless, the rules in existence today would not allow an insider to make short-swing profits from trading his own stock.
On September 3, 1929, the market averages reached a peak that was not to be surpassed for a quarter of a centuryo The "endless chain of prosperity" was soon to brea.k; general business
48
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
activity had already turned down months beforeo Prices drifted for the next day, and on the following day, September 5, the market suffered a sharp decline known as the "Babson Breako"
This was named in honor of Roger Babson, a frail, goateed, pixyish-looking financial adviser from Wellesley, Massachusettso At a financial luncheon that day, he had said, "I repeat what I said at this time last year and the year before, that sooner or later a crash is comingo" Wall Street professionals greeted the new pronouncements from the "sage of Wellesley," as he was known, with their usual derision.
As Babson implied in his statement, he had been predicting the crash for several years and he had yet to be proven right.
Nevertheless, at two o'clock in the afternoon, when Babson's words were quoted on the "broad" tape (the Dow Jones financial news tape, which was an essential part of the furniture in every brokerage house across the country), the market went into a
"nosediveo In the last frantic hour of trading, 2 million shares changed hands-American Telephone and Telegraph went down 6 points, Westinghouse 7, and UoSo Steel 9 pointso It was a prophetic episode, and after the Babson Break the possibility of a crash, which was entirely unthinkable a month before, suddenly became a common subject for discussion.
Confidence faltered 0 September had many more bad than good dayso At times the market fell sharplyo Bankers and government officials assured the country that there was no cause for concerno Professor Irving Fisher of Yale, one of the progenitors of the intrinsic-value theory, offered his soon-to-beimmortal opinion that stocks had reached what looked like a
"permanently high plateauo"
By Monday, October 21, the stage was set for a classic stockmarket breako The declines in stock prices had led to calls for more collateral from margin customerso Unable or unwilling to meet the calls, these customers were forced to sell their holdingso This depressed prices and led to more margin calls and finally to a self-sustaining selling wave.
The volume of sales on October 21 zoomed to more than 6
million shareso The ticker fell way behind, to the dismay of the tens of thousands of individuals watching the tape from brokerage houses around the countryo Nearly an hour and forty
The Madness of Crowds
49
minutes had elapsed after the close of the market before the last transaction was actually recorded on the stock ticker.
The indomitable Fisher dismissed the decline as a "shaking out of the lunatic fringe that attempts to speculate on margino"
He went on to say that prices of stocks during the boom had not caught up with their real value and would go highero Among other things, the professor believed that the market had not yet reflected the beneficent ,effects of Prohibition, which had made the American worker "more productive and dependableo"
On October 24, later called "Black Thursday," the market volume reached almost 13 million shareso Prices sometimes fell
$5 and $10 on each tradeo Many issues dropped 40 and 50
points during a couple of hours 0 On the next day, Herbert
Hoover offered his famous diagnosis, "The fundamental business of the country 0 0 0 is on a sound and prosperous basiso"
Tuesday, October 29, 1929, was among the most catastrophic days in the history of the New York Stock Exchange.
Only October 19 and 20, 1987, rivaled in intensity the panic on the exchange 0 More than 1604 million shares were traded on that day in 19290 (A 16-million-share day in 1929 would be equivalent to more than a 3-billion-share day in 2006 because of the greater number of shares now listed on the New York
Stock Exchangeo) Prices fell almost perpendicularly, and kept on falling, as is illustrated by the following table, which shows the extent of the decline during the autumn of 1929 and over the next three yearso With the exception of "safe" AT&T, which lost only three-quarters of its value, most blue-chip stocks had fallen 95 percent or more by ',he time the lows were reached in 19320
Securi ty
American Telephone & Telegraph
Bethlehem Steel
General Electric
Montgomery Ward
National Cash Register
Radio Corporation of America
High Price
September 3
1929*
304
140%
396
137
127
101
Low Price
November 13
1929
197¥1
78
168
49
59
28
Low Price for Year
1932
70¥l
7
8
3
6
2
* Adjusted for stock splits and the value of rights received subsequent to September 3, 1929.
50
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
Perhaps the best summary of the debacle was given by Variety, the show-business weekly, which headlined the story
"Wall Street Lays an Eggo" The speculative boom was dead, and billions of dollars of share values-as well as the dreams of millions-were wiped out. The crash in the stock market was followed by the most devastating depression in the history of the country.
Again, there are revisionist historians who say there was a method to the madness of the stock-market boom of the late
1920so Harold Bierman, Jro, for example, in his book The Great
Myths of 1929, has suggested that, without perfect foresight, stocks were not obviously overpriced in 1929, because it appeared that the economy would continue to prospero After all, very intelligent people, such as Irving Fisher and John Maynard Keynes, believed that stocks were reasonably pricedo * Bierman goes on to argue that the extreme optimism undergirding the stock market might even have been justified had it not been for inappropriate monetary policieso The crash itself, in his view, was precipitated by the Federal Reserve Board's policy of raising interest rates to punish speculatorso There are at least grains of truth in Bierman's arguments, and economists today often blame the severity of the 1930s depression on the Federal Reserve for allowing the money supply to decline sharplyo Nevertheless, history teaches us that very sharp increases in stock prices are seldom followed by a gradual return to relative price stability.
Even if prosperity had continued into the 1930s, stock prices could never have sustained their advance of the late 1920s.
In addition, the anomalous behavior of closed-end investment company shares (which I will cover in chapter 15) provides clinching evidence of wide-scale stock-market irrationality during the 1920so The "fundamental" value of these closed-end funds consists of the market value of the securities they holdo In most periods since 1930, these funds have sold at discounts of about 20 percent from their asset valueso From January t.
August 1929, however, the typical closed-end fund sold at a premium of 50 percent. Moreover, the premiums for some of the
*By December 1929, however, even Irving Fisher admitted that the previous high prices were explainable "partly because of unreasoning and unintelligent mania for buying."
The Madness of Crowds
51
best-known funds were astronomical. Goldman, Sachs Trading
Corporation sold at twice its net asset value 0 Tri-Continental
Corporation sold at 256 percent of its asset valueo This meant that you could go to your broker and buy, say, AT&T at whatever its market price was, or you would purchase it through the fund at 2% times the market valueo Market prices were two or three times the (inflated) value of their underlying assetso Clearly, it was irrational speculative enthusiasm that drove the prices of these funds far above the value at which their individual security holdings could be purchased.
An Afterword
Why are memories so short? Why do such speculative crazes seem so isolated from the lessons of history? I have no apt answer to offer, but I am convinced that Bernard Baruch was correct in suggesting that a study of these events can help equip investors for survival. The consistent losers in the market, from my personal experience, are those who are unable to resist being swept up in some kind of tulip-bulb crazeo It is not hard, really, to make money in the market. As we shall see later, investors who select a portfolio of stocks by throwing darts at the stock listings in the Wall Street Journal can make fairly handsome long-run returnso What is hard to avoid is the alluring temptation to throw your money away on short, get-richquick speculative bingeso It is an obvious lesson, but one frequently ignoredo
3
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
Everything's got a moral if only you can find it.
-Lewis Carroll, Alice's Adventures in Wonderland
T he madness of the crowd can be truly spectacularo The examples I have just cited, plus a host of others, have persuaded more and more people to put their money under the care of a professional-someone who knows what makes the market tick and who can be trusted to act prudently.
Thus, most of us find that at least a part (and often all) of our investable funds are in the hands of institutional portfolio managers-those who run the large pension and retirement funds, mutual funds, investment counseling organizations, and the like. Although the crowd may be mad, the institution is above all thato The institution is, to borrow a phrase from Tennyson,
"of loyal nature and of noble mindo" Very well, let us then take a look at the sanity of institutionso
The Sanity of Institutions
By the 1990s, institutions accounted for more than 90 percent of the trading volume on the New York Stock Exchange.
Surely, in a market where professional investors dominate trading, the game must have changed 0 The hardheaded, 'sharp
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
53
penciled reasoning of the pros ought to be a guarantee that the extravagant excesses of the past will be avoided.
And yet professional investors participated in several distinct speculative movements from the 1960s through the 1990s.
In each case, professional institutions bid actively for stocks not because they felt such stocks were undervalued under the firmfoundation principle, but because they anticipated that some greater fools would take the shares off their hands at even more inflated priceso Because these speculative movements relate to present-day markets, I think you'll find this institutional tour especially useful.
The Soaring Sixties
The New "New Era":
The Growth-Stock/New-Issue Craze
We start our journey when I did-in 1959, when I had just gone to Wall Street. "Growth" was the magic word in those days, taking on an almost mystical significanceo Growth companies such as IBM and Texas Instruments sold at priceearnings multiples of more than 800 (A year later they sold at multiples in the 20s and 30so)
Questioning the propriety of such valuations became almost heretical. These prices could not be justified on firmfoundation principleso But investors firmly believed that buyers would come forward eagerly to pay even higher prices 0 Lord
Keynes must have smiled quietly from wherever it is that economists go when they die.
I recall vividly one of the senior partners of my firm shaking his head and admitting ,that he knew of no one over forty with any recollection of the 1929-32 crash who would buy and hold the high-priced growth stockso But the young Turks held sway.
Newsweek quoted one broker as saying that speculators have the idea that anything they buy "will double overnight. The horrible thing is, it has happenedo"
More was to comeo Promoters, eager to satisfy the insatiable thirst of investors for the space-age stocks of the Soaring Sixties, created new offerings by the dozenso More new issues were offered in the 1959-62 period than at any previous time in is
54
STOCKS AND THEIR V ALOE
toryo The new-issue mania rivaled the South Sea Bubble in its intensity and also, regrettably, in the fraudulent practices that were revealed.
It was called the tronics boom, because the stock offerings often included some garbled version of the word "electronics"
in their title, even if the companies had nothing to do with the electronics industryo Buyers of these issues didn't really care what the companies made-so long as it sounded electronic, with a suggestion of the esoterico For example, American Music
Guild, whose business consisted entirely of the door-to-door sale of phonograph records and players, changed its name t.
Space-Tone before "going publico" The shares were sold to the public at 2 and, within a few weeks, rose to 140
Jack Dreyfus, of Dreyfus and Company, commented on the mania as follows:
Take a nice little company that's been making shoelaces for 40
years and sells at a respectable six times earnings ratio.
Change the name from Shoelaces, Inco to Electronics and Silicon Furth-Burnerso In today's market, the words "electronics"
and "silicon" are worth 15 times earningso However, the real play comes from the word "furth-burners," which no one understands. A word that no one understands entitles you to double your entire scoreo Therefore, we have six times earnings for the shoelace business and 15 times earnings for electronic and silicon, or a total of 21 times earningso Multiply this by two for furth-burners and we now have a score of 42 times earnings for the new companyo
In a later investigation of the new-issue phenomenon, the
Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) uncovered considerable evidence of fraud and market manipulation 0 For example, some inestment bankers, especially those who underwrote the smaller new issues, would often hold a substantial volume of securities off the market. This made the market so "thin" at the start that the price would rise quickly in the after market. In one
"hot issue" that almost doubled in price on the first day of trading, the SEC found that a considerable portion of the entire offering was sold to broker-dealers, many of whom held on to their allotments for a period until the shares could be sold at much higher
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
55
priceso The SEC also found that many underwriters allocated large portions of hot issues to such insiders of the firms as partners, relatives, officers, and other securities dealers to whom a favor was owedo In one instance, 87 percent of a new issue was allocated to insiders rather than to the general public, as was proper.
The following table shows some representative new issues of this periodo Let the numbers tell the storyo The speculative fever was so great that even Mother's Cookie could count on a sizable gain 0 Think of the glory they could have achieved if they had called themselves Mothertron's Cookitronicso Ten years later, the shares of most of these companies were almost worthlesso
Bid Price High Low on First Bid Bid
Offering Offering Day of Price Price
Securi ty Date Price Tradin g 1961 1962
Boonton Electronic March 6,1961 5* 12Yt* 24* 1%*
Corp.
Geophysics Corp. December 8,1960 14 27 58 9
of America
Hydro-Space July 19, 1960 3 7 7 1
Technology
Mother's Cookie Corpo March 8,1961 15 23 25 7
*Per unit of 1 share and 1 warrant.
Where was the SEC all this time? Hadn't it changed the rule from "Let the buyer beware" to "Let the seller beware"? Aren't new issuers required to register their offerings with the SEC?
Can't they (and their underwriters) be punished for false and misleading statements?
Yes to all these questions and, yes the SEC was there, but by law it had to stand by quietlyo As long as a company has prepared (and distributed to investors) an adequate prospectus, the
SEC can do nothing to save buyers from themselveso For example, many of the prospectuses of the period contained the following type of warning in bold letters on the covero
WARNING: THIS COMPANY HAS NO ASSETS OR EARNINGS AND WILL BE
UNABLE TO PAY DIVIDENDS IN THE FORESEEABLE FUTUREo THE SHARES
ARE HIGHLY RISKYo
56
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
But just as the warnings on packs of cigarettes do not prevent many people from smoking, so the warning that this investment may be dangerous to your wealth cannot block a speculator from forking over his money if he is hell-bent on doing sOo The SEC can warn a fool, but it cannot prevent him from parting with his moneyo And the buyers of new issues were so convinced the stocks would rise in price (no matter what the company's assets or past record) that the underwriter's problem was not how he could sell the shares but how to allocate them among the frenzied purchasers.
Fraud and market manipulation are different matterso Here the SEC can take and has taken strong action. Indeed, many of the little-known brokerage houses on the fringes of respectability, which were responsible for most of the new issues and for manipulation of their prices, were suspended for a variety of peculations 0
The staff of the SEC is limited, however; the major problem is the attitude of the general publico When investors are infused with a get-rich-quick attitude and are willing to snap up any piece of bait, anything can happen-and usually doeso Without public greed, the manipulators would not stand a chance.
The tronics boom came back to earth in 19620 Yesterday's hot issue became today's cold turkeyo Many professionals refused to accept the fact that they had speculated recklesslyo Very few pointed out that it is always easy to look back and say when prices were too high or too low. Fewer still said that no one seems to know the proper price for a stock at any given time.
Synergy Generates Energy:
The Conglomerate Boom
I've said before that part of the genius of the financial market is that if a product is demanded, it is producedo The product that all investors desired was expected growth in earnings per shareo And if growth wasn't to be found in a name, it was only to be expected that someone would find another way to produce it. By the mid-1960s, creative entrepreneurs had discovered that growth meant synergism.
Synergism is the quality of having 2 plus 2 equal 50 Thus it seemed quite plausible that two separate companies with an
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
57
earning power of $2 million each might produce combined earnings of $5 million if the businesses were consolidated. This magical, mystical, surefire profitable new creation was called a conglomerate 0
Although antitrust laws at that time kept large companies from purchasing firms in the same industry, it was possible for a while to purchase firms in other industries without interference from the Justice Department. The consolidations were carried out in the name of synergismo Ostensibly, mergers would allow the conglomerate to achieve higher sales and earnings than would have been possible for the independent entities alone.
In fact, the major impetus for the conglomerate wave of the
1960s was that the acquisition process itself could be made to produce growth in earnings per share. Indeed, the managers of conglomerates tended to possess financial expertise rather than the operating skills required to improve the profitability of the acquired companieso By an easy bit of legerdemain, they could put together a group of companies with no basic potential at all and produce steadily rising per-share earningso The following example shows how this monkey business was performed.
Suppose we have two companies-the Able Circuit
Smasher Company, an electronics firm, and Baker Candy Company, which nlakes chocolate barso Each has 200,000 shares outstandingo It's 1965 and both companies have earnings of $1
million a year, or $5 per shareo Let's assume that neither business is growing and that, with or without merger activity, earnings would just continue along at the same level.
The two firms sell at different prices, howevero Because Able
Circuit Smasher Company is in the electronics business, the market awards it a price-earnings multiple of 20, which, multiplied by its $5 earnings per share, gives it a market price of
$1000 Baker Candy Company, in a less glamorous business, has its earnings multiplied at only 10 times and, consequently, its
$5 per-share earnings command a market price of only $50.
The management of Able Circuit would like to become a conglomerate. It offers to absorb Baker by swapping stock at the rate of two for threeo The holders of Baker shares would get two shares of Able stock-which have a market value of $200-for every three shares of Baker stock-with a total market value of
58
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
$1500 Clearly this is a tempting proposal, and the stockholders of Baker are likely to accept cheerfullyo The merger is approved.
We have a budding conglomerate, newly named Synergon,
Inco, which now has 333,333 shares outstanding and total earnings of $2 million to put against them, or $6 per shareo Thus, by
1966, when the merger has been completed, we find that earnings have risen by 20 percent, from $5 to $6, and this growth seems to justify Able's former price-earnings multiple of 200
Consequently, the shares of Synergon (nee Able) rise from $100
to $120, everybody's judgment is confirmed, and all go home rich and happyo In addition, the shareholders of Baker who were bought out need not pay any taxes on their profits until they sell their shares of the combined companyo The top three lines of the table below illustrate the transaction thus far.
A year later, Synergon finds Charlie Company, which earns
$10 per share, or $1 million with 100,000 shares outstanding 0
Charlie Company is in the relatively risky military-hardware business, so its shares command a multiple of only 10 and sell at $1000
Synergon offers to absorb Charlie Company on a share-for-share exchange basiso Charlie's shareholders are delighted to exchange their $100 shares for the conglomerate's $120 shareso By the end of 1967, the combined company has $3 million in earnings,
433,333 shares outstanding, and $6092 of earnings per shareo
Number of
Eqrnings Shares Earnings
Com p a ny Level Outstandin R p er Share
Able $1,000,000 200,000
Baker 1,000,000 200,000
Synergon 2,000,000 333,333*
(Able and
Baker combined)
Charlie 1,000,000 100,000
After Synergon 3,000,000 433,333+
second (Able,Bake
merger 1967 and Charlie combined)
*The 200,000 original shares of Able plus an extra 133,333, which get printed up to be exchanged for Baker's 200,000 shares according to the terms of the merger.
tThe 333,333 shares of Synergon plus the extra 100,000 shares printed up to exchange for
Charlie's shares.
Before merger
1965
After first merger
1966
Price
Earnings
A/uluple ice
$ 5.00
5.00
6.00 I
20
10
20
$100
50
120
10.00
6.92
10
20
100
138.4
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
59
Here we have a case where the conglomerate has literally manufactured growtho None of the three companies was growing at all; yet simply by virtue of the fact of their merger, the unwary investor who may finger his Stock Guide to see the past record of or conglomerate will find the following figures:
Earnings per Share
Synergon, Inc.
1965
$5.00
1966
$6.00
1967
$6.92
Clearly, Synergon is a growth stock, and its record of extraordinary performance appears to have earned it a high and possibly even an increasing multiple of earnings.
The trick that makes the game work is the ability of the electronics company to swap its high-multiple stock for the stock of another company with a lower multipleo The candy company can only "sell" its earnings at a multiple of 100 But when these earnings averaged with the electronics company, the total earnings
(including those from selling chocolate bars) could be sold at a multiple of 200 And the more acquisitions Synergon could make, the faster earnings per share would grow and thus the more attractive the stock would look to justify its high multiple.
The whole thing is like a chain letter-no one would get hurt as long as the growth of acquisitions proceeded exponentiallyo Of course, the process could not continue for long, but the possibilities were mind-boggling for those who got in at the start. It seems difficult to believe that Wall Street professionals could be so myopic as to fall for the conglomerate con game, but accept it they did for a period of several years. Or perhaps as subscribers to the castle-in-the-air theory, they only believed that other people would fall for it.
The story of Synergon describes the standard conglomerate earnings "growth" gambit. A lot of other monkeyshines also were practicedo Convertible bonds (or convertible preferred stocks) often were used as a substitute for shares in paying for acquisitionso A
convertible bond is an IOU of the company, paying a fixed interest rate, that is convertible at the option of the holder into shares of the firm's common stocko As long as the earnings of the newly acquired subsidiary were greater than the relatively low interest rate that was placed on the convertible bond, it was possible to show even
60
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
more sharply rising earnings per share than those in the previous illustrationo This is because no new commoIJ. stocks at all had to be issued to consummate the merger, and thus the combined earnings could be divided by a smaller number of shares.
One company was truly creative in financing its acquisition programo It used a convertible preferred stock that paid no cash dividend at all. * Instead, the conversion rate of the security was to be adjusted annually to provide that the preferred stock be convertible into more common shares each yearo The older pros on
Wall Street shook their heads in disbelief over these shenanigans.
It is hard to believe that investors did not count the dilution potential of the new common stock that would be issued if the bondholders or preferred stockholders were to convert their securities into common stocko Indeed, as a result of such manipulations, corporations are now required to report their earnings on a "fully diluted" basis, to account for the new common shares that must be set aside for potential conversionso But most investors in the mid-1960s ignored such niceties and were satisfied only to see steadily and rapidly rising earnings.
Automatic Sprinkler Corporation (later called A-T-O, Inco, and later still, at the urging of its modest chief executive officer
Mro Figgie, Figgie International) offers a good example of how the game of manufacturing growth was actually played during the 1960so Between 1963 and 1968, the company's sales volume rose by more than 1,400 percent. This phenomenal record was due solely to acquisitions. In the middle of 1967, four mergers were completed in a twenty-five-day periodo These newly acquired companies were all selling at relatively low priceearnings multiples and thus helped to produce a sharp growth in earnings per shareo The market responded to this "growth" by bidding up the price-earnings multiple to more than 50 times earnings in 19670 This boosted the price of the company's stock from about $8 per share in 1963 to $73% in 19670
Mro Figgie, the president of Automatic Sprinkler, performed the public relations job necessary to help Wall Street build its castle in the airo He automatically sprinkled his conversations
*Convertible preferred stock is similar to a convertible bond in that the preferred dividend is a fixed obligation of the company. But neither the principal nor the preferred dividend is considered a debt, so the company can usually skip a payment with greater freedom. Of course, in the example above, the stock paid no cash dividend at all.
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
61
with talismanic phrases about the energy of the free-form company and its interface with change and technology. He was careful to point out that he looked at twenty to thirty deals for each one he bought. Wall Street loved every word of it.
Mro Figgie was not alone in conning Wall Street. Managers of other conglomerates almost invented a new language in the process of dazzling the investment communityo They talked about market matrices, core technology fulcrums, modular building blocks, and the nucleus theory of growtho No one from
Wall Street really knew what the words meant, but they all got the nice, warm feeling of being in the technological mainstream.
Conglomerate managers also found a new way of describing the businesses they had boughto Their shipbuilding businesses became "marine systemso" Zinc mining became the
"space minerals divisiono" Steel fabrication plants became the
"materials technology divisiono" A lighting fixture or lock company became part of the "protective services divisiono"
And if one of the "ungentlemanly" security analysts (somebody from City College of New York rather than Harvard Business School) had the nerve to ask how you can get 15 to 20
percent growth from a foundry or a meatpacker, the typical conglomerate manager suggested that his efficiency experts had isolated millions of dollars of excess costs; that his marketing research staff had found several fresh, uninhabited markets; and that the target of tripling profit margins could be easily realized within two years.
Instead of going down with merger activity, the priceearnings multiples of conglomerate stocks rose higher and highero Prices and multiples for a selection of conglomerates in
1967 are shown in the following tableo
Security
Automatic Sprinkler
(A-T-O, Inc.)
Litton Industries
Teledyne, Inc.
* Adjusted for subsequent split.
1967
Price
High Earnings
Price Multiple
73% 51.0
1969
Low
Price
10
Price
Earnings
Multiple
13.4
120 44.1
71 * 55.8
55
28
14.4
14.2
62
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
The music slowed drastically for the conglomerates .on January 19, 19680 On that day, the granddaddy of the conglomerates, Litton Industries, announced that earnings for the second quarter of that year would be substantially less than had been forecast. It had recorded 20 percent yearly increases for almost a decadeo The market had so thoroughly come to believe in alchemy that the announcement was greeted with disbelief and shock. In the selling wave that followed, conglomerate stocks declined by roughly 40 percent before a feeble recovery set in.
Worse was to comeo In July, the Federal Trade Commission announced that it would make an in-depth investigation of the conglomerate merger movement. Again the stocks went tumbling downo The SEC and the accounting profession finally made their move and began to make attempts to clarify the reporting techniques for mergers and acquisitions 0 The sell orders came flooding ino These were followed closely by new announcements from the SEC and the U.So Assistant Attorney
General in charge of antitrust, indicating a strong concern about the accelerating pace of the merger movement.
The aftermath of this speculative phase revealed two disturbing factorso First, conglomerates were mortal and were not always able to control their far-flung empires. Indeed, investors became disenchanted with the conglomerate's new math; 2 plus
2 certainly did not equal 5, and some investors wondered whether it even equaled 40 Second, the government and the accounting profession expressed real concern about the pace of mergers and about possible abuseso These two worries on the part of investors reduced-and in many cases eliminated-the premium multiples that had been paid in anticipation of earnings from the acquisition process aloneo This result in itself makes the alchemy game almost impossible, for the acquiring company has to have an earnings multiple larger than the acquired company if the ploy is to work at all.
An interesting footnote to this episode is that during the
1990s and early 2000s de conglomeration came into fashion.
Many of the old conglomerates began to shed their unrelated, poor-performing acquisitions to boost their earnings.
Many of these sales were financed through a popular innovation, the leveraged buyout (LBO) 0 Under an LBO the purchaser, often the management of the division assisted by
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
63
professional deal makers, puts up a very thin margin of equity, borrowing 90 percent or more of the funds needed to complete the transactiono The tax collector helps out by allowing the bought-out entity to increase the value of its depreciable asset baseo The combination of high interest payments and larger depreciatio charges ensures that taxes for the new entity will remain low or nonexistent for some time. If things go well, the owners can reap windfall profits. William Simon, a former secretary of the Treasury, made a multimillion-dollar killing on one of the earliest LBOs of the 1980s, Gibson Greeting Cardso A
number of the early LBOs of the 1980s proved to be quite successful. Later in the decade, however, as the LBO wave accelerated and the prices paid for the companies tended to increase as did their associated debt levels, fewer of these transactions fulfilled expectations 0 As the economy turned less robust in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the high fixed-interest costs of companies in debt up to their eyeballs placed these entities in considerable financial jeopardyo The financial fallout in the early
1990s from the explosion of some of the most poorly considered
LBOs injured not only many individual investors but many banks and life insurance companies as well.
Performance Comes to the Market:
The Bubble in Concept Stocks
With conglomerates shattering about them, the managers of investment funds found another magic word, "performanceo"
Obviously, it would be easier to sell a mutual fund with stocks in its portfolio that went up in value faster than the stocks in its competitors' portfolios.
And perform some funds did-at least over short periods of timeo Fred Carr's highly publicized Enterprise Fund racked up a
117 percent total return (including both dividends and capital gains) in 1967 and followed this with a 44 percent return in
19680 The corresponding figures for the Standard & Poor's 500
Stock Index were 25 percent and 11 percent, respectivelyo This performance brought large amounts of new money into the fundo The public found it fashionable to bet on the jockey rather than the horse.
How did these jockeys do it? They concentrated the portfolio in dynamic stocks, which had a good story to tell, and at the
64
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
first sign of an even better story, they would quickly switcho For a while the strategy worked well and led to many imitatorso The camp followers were quickly given the accolade "go-go funds,"
and the fund managers often were called "youthful gunslingerso" The public's investment dollars flowed into the riskiest of the performance funds.
And so performance investing took hold of Wall Street in the late 1960s. The commandments for fund managers were simple:
Concentrate your holdings in a relatively few stocks, and don't hesitate to switch the portfolio around if a more desirable investment appears 0 And because near-term performance was especially important (investment services began to publish monthly records of mutual-fund performance), it would be best to buy stocks with an exciting concept and a compelling and believable storyo You had Lo be sure the market would recognize the beauty of your stock now-not far into the future 0 Hence, the birth of the so-called concept stock.
But even if the story was not totally believable, as long as the investment manager was convinced that the average opinion would think that the average opinion would believe the story, that's all that was neededo The author Martin Mayer quoted one fund manager as saying, "Since we hear stories early, we can figure enough people will be hearing it in the next few days to give the stock a bounce, even if the story doesn't prove out." Many
Wall Streeters looked on this as a radical new investment strategy, but John Maynard Keynes had it all spotted in 19360
Eventually, it reached a point where any concept would do.
Enter Cortes Wo Randello His concept was a youth company for the youth market. He became founder, president, and major stockholder of National Student Marketing (NSM)o First, he sold an image-one of affluence and successo He owned a personal white Learjet named Snoopy, an apartment in New York's Waldorf Towers, a castle with a mock dungeon in Virginia, and a yacht that slept twelve. Adding to his image was an expensive set of golf clubs propped up by his office dooro Apparently the only time the clubs were used was at night when the office cleanup crew drove wads of paper along the carpet.
Randell spent most of his time visiting institutional fund managers or calling them on the sky phone from his Lear, and he sold the concept of NSM in the tradition of a South Sea Bub
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
65
ble promotero Randell's real metier was evangelisffio The concept that Wall Street bought from Randell was that a single company could specialize in servicing the needs of young people.
NSM built its early growth via the merger route, just as the ordinary conglomerates of the 1960s had doneo The difference was that each of the constituent companies had something to do with the college-age youth market, from posters and records to sweatshirts and summer job directories. What could be more appealing to a youthful gunslinger than a youth-oriented concept stock-a full-service company to exploit the youth subculture? Glowing press releases and Randell's earnings projections for the company became increasingly optimistic.
The following table clearly shows that institutional investors are at least as adept as the general public at building castles in the airo
PriceNumber of
Earnings Institutional Low Per
High Price Multiple Holders Price centage
Securi ty 1968-69 at H iRh Year-End 1969 1970 Decline
National Student 35* 117 31 98
Marketing
Four Seasons Nursing 90% 113.4 24 0.20 99
Centers of America
Performance Systems 23 00 13 99
* Adjusted for subsequent stock split.
Other popular concepts included Four Seasons Nursing
Centers 0 The company expanded at a feverish pace, financing itself largely through the issuance of debt. These borrowings were sweetened, however, with so-called equity kickers 0 This meant that attached to each bond were warrants to buy common stock of Four Seasons at fixed priceso Thus, if the stock price continued to go up, the bondholders could exercise their warrants and make additional profitso As the debt mounted, no one seemed to worry much about the old ideas of prudent debt ratios, for this was a new concept and the rules of the game had changed 0 On June 26, 1970, the company filed a petition for reorganization under Chapter Ten of the Bankruptcy Act.
My favorite example involved Minnie Pearl. Minnie Pearl
66
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
was a fast-food franchising firm that was as accommodating as all get-out. To please the financial community, Minnie Pearl's chickens became Performance Systemso Mter all, what better name could be chosen for performance-oriented investors? On
Wall Street a rose by any other name does not smell as sweet.
The 00 shown in the table under "price-earnings multiple" indicates that the multiple was infinityo Performance Systems had no earnings at all to divide into the stock's price at the time it reached its high in 19680 As the table indicates, Minnie Pearl laid an egg-and a bad one at that. The subsequent performance for this and the other stocks listed was indeed truly remarkablealthough not quite what their buyers had anticipated.
Why did the stocks perform so badly? One general answer was that their price-earnings multiples were inflated beyond reasono If a multiple of 100 drops to a more normal multiple of
20, you have lost 80 percent of your investment right thereo In addition, most of the concept companies of the time ran into severe operating difficultieso The reasons were varied: too rapid expansion, too much debt, loss of management control, and so ono These companies were run by executives who were primarily promoters, not sharp-penciled operating managerso Fraudulent practices also were commono For example, NSM's Cortes
Randell pleaded guilty to accounting fraud and served eight months in prisono
The Sour Seventies
The Nifty Fifty
In the 1970s, Wall Street's pros vowed to return to "sound principleso" Concepts were out and investing n blue-chip companies was ino These were companies, so the thinking went, that would never come crashing down like the speculative favorites of the 1960so Nothing could be more prudent than to buy their shares and then relax on the golf course while the long-term rewards materialized.
There were only four dozen or so of these premier growth stocks that so fascinated the institutional investors 0 Their names were familiar-IBM, Xerox, Avon Products, Kodak,
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
67
McDonald's, Polaroid, and Disney-and they were called the
Nifty Fiftyo They were "big capitalization" stocks, which meant that an institution could buy a good-sized position without disturbing the market. And because most pros realized that picking the exact correct time to buy is difficult if not impossible, these stocks seemed to make a great deal of senseo So what if you paid a price that was temporarily too high? These stocks were proven growers, and sooner or later the price you paid would be justifiedo In addition, these were stocks that-like the family heirlooms-you would never sell. Hence they also were called
"one decision" stockso You made a decision to buy them, once, and your portfolio-management problems were over.
These stocks provided security blankets for institutional investors in another way, tooo They were so respectableo Your colleagues could never question your prudence in investing in
IBMo True, you could lose money if IBM went down, but that was not considered a sign of imprudence (as it would be to lose money in a Performance Systems or a National Student Marketing) 0 Like greyhounds in chase of the mechanical rabbit, big pension funds, insurance companies, and bank trust funds loaded up on the Nifty Fifty one-decision growth stockso Hard as it is to believe, the institutions had started to speculate in blue chipso In the table below, I have listed the price-earnings multiples achieved by a handful of these stocks in 1972 as well as their multiples at the start of the 1980so Institutional managers blithely ignored the fact that no sizable company could ever grow fast enough to justify an earnings multiple of 80 or 900
They once again proved the maxim that stupidity well packaged can sound like wisdomo
Securi ty
Sony
Polaroid
McDonald's
IntI. Flavors
Walt Disney
Hewlett-Packard
Price-Earnings
Multiple
1972
92
90
83
81
76
65
Price-Earnings
Multiple
1980
17
16
9
12
11
18
68
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
When the stock market as a whole began to decline in 1972, the Nifty Fifty mania became even more pathological. For as the market in general collapsed, the Nifty Fifty continued to command record earnings multiples and, on a relative basis, the overpricing greatly increasedo There appeared to be a "two-tier"
market. Forbes magazine commented as follows:
[The Nifty Fifty appeared to rise up] from the ocean; it was as though all of the UoSo but Nebraska had sunk into the sea. The two tier market really consisted of one tier and a lot of rubble down belowo
What held the Nifty Fifty up? The same thing that held up tulip-bulb prices in long-ago Holland-popular delusions and the madness of crowdso The delusion was that these companies were so good that it didn't matter what you paid for them; their inexorable growth would bail you out.
The end was inevitableo The Nifty Fifty craze ended like all other speculative maniaso Sooner or later the same money managers who had worshiped the Nifty Fifty decided that the stocks were overpriced and made a second decision-to sell. In the debacle that followed, the premier growth stocks fell completely from favoro
The Roaring Eighties
The Roaring Eighties had its fair share of speculative excesses, and again unwary investors paid the price for building castles in the airo The decade started with another spectacular new-issue boom.
The Triumphant Return of New Issues
The high-tech,nology, new-issue boom of the first half of
1983 was an almost perfect replica of the 1960s episodes, with the names altered slightly to include the new fields of biotechnology and microelectronic so The 1983 craze made the promoters of the 1960s look like pikerso The total value of new issues
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
69
during 1983 was greater than the cumulative total of new issues for the entire preceding decadeo For investors, initial public offerings were the hottest game in town.
Take, for example, a company that "planned" to massproduce personal robots, called Androbot, and a chain of three restaurants in New Jersey called Stuff Your Face, Inco Indeed, the enthusiasm extended to "quality" issues such as Fine Art
Acquisitions Ltdo This was not some philistine outfit peddling discount clothing or making computer hardware 0 This was a truly aesthetic enterpriseo Fine Art Acquisitions, the prospectus tells us, was in the business of acquiring and distributing fine prints and Art Deco sculpture replicaso One of the company's major assets consisted of a group of nude photographs of Brooke
Shields taken about midway between her time in the stroller and her entrance to Princetono Apparently, there were some potential legal problems, such as a suit by Mom Shields, who had some objection to the exploitation of these pictures of the prepubescent eleven-year-old Brookeo But, after all, this was for
"artistic" purposes, and obviously this was a class company.
Probably the offering of Muhammad Ali Arcades International burst the bubble 0 This offering was not particularly remarkable, considering all the other garbage coming out at the timeo It was unique, however, in that it showed that a penny could still buy a lot. The company proposed to offer units of one share and two warrants for the modest price of 1<1:0 Of course, this was 333 times what insiders had recently paid for their own shares, which wasn't unusual either, but when it was discovered that the champ himself had resisted the temptation to buy any stock in his namesake company, investors began to take a good look at where they wereo Most did not like what they saw.
The result was a dramatic decline in small company stocks in general and in the market prices of initial public offerings in particularo In the course of a year, many investors lost as much as 90 percent of their money.
The prospectus cover of Muhammad Ali Arcades International featured a picture of the former champ standing over a fallen opponento In his salad days, Ali used to claim that he could "float like a butterfly and sting like a bee." It turned out that the Ali Arcades offering (as well as the Androbot offering that was scheduled for July 1983) never did get floatedo But
70
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
many others did, particularly stocks of those companies on the bleeding edge of technologyo As has been true time and time again, it was the investors who got stung.
Concepts Conquer Again: The Biotechnology Bubble
What electronics was to the 1960s, biotechnology became to the 1980so The biotech revolution was likened to that of the computer, and optimism regarding the promise of gene-splicing was reflected in the prices of biotech company stocks.
Genentech, the most substantial company in the industry, came to market in 19800 During the first twenty minutes of trading, the stock almost tripled in valueo Other new issues of biotech companies were eagerly gobbled up by hungry investors who saw a chance to get into a mu]tibillion-dollar new industry on the ground flooro The key product that drove the first wave of the biotech frenzy was Interferon, a cancer-fighting drugo Analysts predicted that sales of Interferon would exceed
$1 billion by 19820 (In reality, sales of this successful product were barely $200 million in 1989, but there was no holding back the dreams of castles in the airo) Analysts continually predicted an explosion of earnings two years out for the biotech companieso Analysts were continually disappointedo But the technological revolution was real and hope springs eternal. Even weak companies benefited under the umbrella of the technology potential.
Valuation levels of biotechnology stocks reached levels previously unknown to investorso In the 1960s, speculative growth stocks might have sold at 50 times earningso In the 1980s, some biotech stocks sold at 50 times saleso As a student of valuation techniques, I was fascinated to read how security analysts rationalized these priceso Because biotech companies typically had no current earnings (and realistically no positive earnings expected for several years) and little sales, new valuation methods had to be devised\o My favorite was the "product asset valuation" method recommended by one of Wall Street's leading securities houseso Basically, the method involved the estimation of the value of all the products in the "pipeline" of each biotech companyo Even if the planned product involved nothing more than the drawings of a genetic engineer, a potential sales volume and a profit margin were estimated for each product that
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
71
was merely a glint in some scientist's eyeo The total value of the
"product pipeline" would then give the analyst a fair idea of the price at which the company's stock should sell.
None of the potential problems seemed real to the optimists.
Perhaps UoSo Food and Drug Administration approval would be delayedo (Interferon was delayed for several yearsoJ Would the market bear the fancy drug price tags that were projected?
Would patent protection be possible as virtually every product in the biotechnology pipeline was being developed simultaneously by several companies, or were patent clashes inevitable?
Would much of the potential profit from a successful drug be siphoned off by the marketing partner of the biotech company, usually one of the major drug companies? In the mid-1980s, none of these potential problems seemed real. Indeed, the biotech stocks were regarded by one analyst as less risky than standard drug companies because there were "no old products which need to be offset because of their declining revenueso"
We had come full circle-having positive sales and earnings was actually considered a drawback because those profits might decline in the futureo But during the late 1980s, most biotechnology stocks lost three-quarters of their market valueo Even real technology revolutions do not guarantee benefits for investors.
ZZZZ Best Bubble of All
My favorite boom and bust of the late 1980s is the story of
ZZZZ Best. Here was an incredible Horatio Alger story that captivated investors 0 In the fast-paced world of entrepreneurs who strike it rich before they can shave, Barry Minkow was a genuine legend of the 1980so Minkow's career began at age nineo His family could not afford a babysitter, so Barry often went to work at the carpet-cleaning shop managed by his mothero There he began soliciting jobs by phoneo By age ten he was actually cleaning carpetso Working evenings and summers, he saved $6,000 within the next four years, and by the age of fifteen he bought some steamcleaning equipment and started his own carpet-cleaning business in the garage of the family homeo The company was called ZZZZ
Best (pronounced "zeee best")o Still in high school and too young to drive, Minkow hired a crew to pick up and clean carpets while he sat in class fretting over each week's payrollo With Minkow working a punishing schedule (and having friends drive him to
72
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
appointments), the business flourishedo He was proud of the fact that he hired his father and mother to work for the businesso By age eighteen, Minkow was a millionaire.
Minkow's insatiable appetite for work extended to selfpromotiono He took on all the tangible trappings of successo He drove a red Ferrari and lived in a lavish home with a large pool in which a big black Z was painted on the bottomo He also publicly extolled good old-fashioned American virtueso He wrote a book entitled Making It in America in which he claimed that teenagers didn't work hard enougho He gave generously to charities and appeared on antidrug commercials with the slogan
"My act is clean, how's yours?" By this time, ZZZZ Best had
1,300 employees and locations throughout California as well as in Arizona and Nevada.
Was more than 100 tilnes earnings too much to pay for a mundane carpet-cleaning company? Of course not, when the company was run by a genius and a spectacularly successful businessman, who could also show his toughness 0 Minkow's favorite line to his employees was "My way or the highwayo"
And he once boasted that he would fire his own mother if she stepped out of lineo When Minkow told Wall Street that his company was better run than IBM and that it was destined to become "the General Motors of carpet cleaning," investors listened with rapt attentiono As one security analyst told me at the time, "This one can't misso"
In 1987, Minkow's bubble burst with shocking suddenness.
It turned out that ZZZZ Best was cleaning more than carpetsit was also laundering money for the mobo ZZZZ Best was accused of acting as a front for organized-crime figures who would buy equipment for the company with "dirty" money and replace their investment with "clean" cash skimmed from the proceeds of ZZZZ Best's legitimate carpet-cleaning business.
But in fact, the spectacular growth of the company was itself mainly an elaborate fiction produced with fictitious contracts, phony credit card charges, and the likeo The whole operation was a giant Ponzi scheme in which money was recycled from one set of investors to payoff anothero In addition, Minkow was charged with skimming millions from the company treasury for his own personal useo Minkow as well as all the investors in
ZZZZ Best were in wall-to-wall trouble.
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
73
The next chapter of the story (after Chapter Eleven)
occurred in 1989 when Minkow, then twenty-three, was convicted of fifty-seven counts of fraud, sentenced to twenty-five years in prison, and required to make restitution of $26 million he was accused of stealing from the companyo The UoSo district judge, in rejecting pleas for leniency, told Minkow,
"You are dangerous because you have this gift of gab, this ability to communicate." The judge added, "You don't have a conscience 0"
But the story does not end there. Minkow spent fifty-four months in Lompoc Federal Prison, where he became a bornagain Christian, earning a bachelor's and master's correspondence school degree from Liberty University, founded by Jerry
Falwell. Mter his release in December 1994, he became senior pastor at Community Bible Church in California, where he held his congregation in rapt attention with his evangelical style. He also has become a one-man media conglomerate, using his unique skills as a communicator to speak out on how he got away with committing fraud 0 He has written several books, including Cleaning Up and Down, But Not Out, has conducted a daily nationally syndicated radio program, and uses his charismatic skills as a much-in-demand lecturero He has also been hired as a special adviser for the FBI on how to spot fraudo In
2006, Minkow's prosecutor, James Asperger, wrote, "Barry has made a remarkable turnaround-both in his personal life and in uncovering more fraud than he ever perpetratedo"
VVhatDoesItAJIean?
The lessons of market history are clearo Styles and fashions in investors' evaluations of securities can and often do play a critical role in the pricing of securities 0 The stock market at times conforms well to the castle-in-the-air theoryo For this reason, the game of investing can be extremely dangerous.
Another lesson that cries out for attention is that investors should be very wary of purchasing today's hot "new issueo"
Most initial public offerings underperform the stock market as a whole 0 And if you buy the new issue after it begins trading, usually at a higher price, you are even more certain to loseo
74
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
Investors would be well advised to treat new issues with a healthy dose of skepticism.
Certainly investors in the past have built many castles in the air with IPOso Remember that the major sellers of the stock of
IPOs are the managers of the companies themselveso They try to time their sales to coincide with a peak in the prosperity of their companies or with the height of investor enthusiasm for some current fado In such cases, the urge to get on the bandwagoneven in high-growth industries-produced a profitless prosperity for investorso
The Nervy Nineties
The Japanese Yen for Land and Stocks
One of the largest booms and busts of the late twentieth century involved the Japanese real estate and stock markets 0
From 1955 to 1990, the value of Japanese real estate increased more than 75 timeso By 1990, the total value of all Japanese property was estimated at nearly $20 trillion-equal to more than 20 percent of the entire world's wealth and about double the total value of the world's stock marketso America is twentyfive times bigger than Japan in terms of physical acreage, and yet Japan's property in 1990 was appraised to be worth five times as much as all American property. Theoretically, the
Japanese could have bought all the property in America by selling off metropolitan Tokyoo Just selling the Imperial Palace and its grounds at their appraised value would have raised enough cash to buy all of California.
The stock market countered by rising like a helium balloon on a windless dayo Stock prices increased 100-fold from 1955 to
19900 At their peak in December 1989, Japanese stocks had a total market value of about $4 trillion, almost 105 times the value of all u.S. equities and close to 45 percent of the world's equity-market capitalizationo Firm-foundation investors were aghast at such figures 0 They read with dismay that Japanese stocks sold at more than 60 times earnings, almost 5 times book value, and more than 200 times dividends. In contrast, U080
stocks sold at about 15 times earnings, and London equities sold at 12 times earnings 0 The high prices of Japanese stocks were
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
75
even more dramatic on a company-by-company comparison. The value of NTT Corporation, Japan's telephone giant, which was privatized during the boom, exceeded the value of AT&T, IBM,
Exxon, General Electric, and General Motors put togethero Dai
Ichi Kangyo Bank sold at 56 times earnings, whereas an equivalent UoSo bank, Citicorp, sold at 506 times earningso Nomura Securities, Japan's largest stockbroker, sold at a market value exceeding the total value of all UoSo brokerage firms combined.
Two myths propelled the real estate and stock marketso The first was that land prices could never go down in Japan, and the second was that stock prices could only go upo These myths were fueled by large amounts of cash from the Japanese tradition of almost compulsive saving and by extremely low returns from regular savings accounts, which yielded less than 1 percent. Playing the stock market became a national preoccupationo Almost overnight, Japanese male commuters switched from their usual pornographic comic books to lurid tales of vivid conquests of the stock market. It is said that in Britain there is a betting shop (or turf accountant) on every corner. In
Japan, there was a stockbroker on every.comer.
Supporters of the stock market had answers to all the logical objections that could be raisedo Were price-earnings ratios in the stratosphere? "No," said the salespeople at Kabuto-cho Uapan's
Wall Street)o "Japanese earnings are understated relative to UoSo earnings because depreciation charges are overstated and earnings do not include the earnings of partially owned affiliated firmso" Price-earnings multiples adjusted for these effects would be much lowero Were yields, at well under of 1 percent, unconscionably low? The answer was that this simply reflected the low interest rates at the time in Japano Was it dangerous that stock prices were five times the value of assets? Not at all. The book values did not reflect the dramatic appreciation of the land owned by Japanese companieso And the high value of Japanese land was "explained" by both the density of Japanese population and the various regulations and tax laws restricting the use of habitable land.
In fact, none of the "explanations" for the soaring heights of the real estate and stock markets could hold watero Even when earnings and dividends were adjusted, the multiples were still far higher than in other countries and extraordinarily inflated
76
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
relative to Japan's own history. Moreover, Japanese profitability had been declining, and the strong yen was bound to make it more difficult for Japan to export its products. Although land was scarce in Japan, its manufacturers, such as its auto makers, were finding abundant land for new plants at attractive prices in foreign lands. And rental income had been rising far more slowly than land values, indicating a falling rate of return on real estate unless prices continued to skyrocketo Finally, the low interest rates that had been underpinning the market had already begun to rise in 19890
Much to the distress of those speculators who had concluded that the fundamental laws of financial gravity were not applicable to Japan, Isaac Newton arrived there in 1990. Inter
The Japanese Stock-Market Bubble
Japanese Stock Prices Relative to Book Values, 1980-2000
6
5 .. .. ........... ....................... ........ .......... ........ ..... ... ........... ....................................................... ........ ........................ ............
4 .. .. ........ .............. .............. ...... .......... ........ .... . .... ............ ..... ..... .., ..................................... ........ ......... ............ ...... ..................
3 .. ...... .... .... .............................. ................ .... ...... ........ .................... ......... ..... ....................... ...................................... ............
1
1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000
Source: Morgan Stanley Research and author's estimates.
Stock Valuation from the Sixties through the Nineties
77
estingly, it was the government itself that dropped the apple.
The Bank of Japan (Japan's Federal Reserve) saw the ugly specter of a general inflation stirring amidst the borrowing frenzy and the liquidity boom underwriting the rise in land and stock priceso And so the central bank restricted credit and engineered a rise in interest rateso The hope was that further rises in property prices would be choked off and the stock market might be eased downward.
Interest rates, which had already been going up during
1989, rose sharply in 19900 The stock market was not eased down; instead, it collapsedo The fall was almost as extreme as the UoSo stock-market crash from the end of 1929 to mid-19320
The Japanese (Nikkei) stock-market index reached a high of almost 40,000 on the last trading day of the 1980so By mid
August 1992, the index had declined to 14,309, a drop of about
63 percent. In contrast, the Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 66
percent from December 1929 to its low in the summer of 1932
(although the decline was over 80 percent from the September
1929 level) 0 The chart on page 76 shows quite dramatically that the rise in stock prices during the midand late 1980s represented a change in valuation relationships 0 The fall in stock prices from 1990 on simply reflected a return to the price-tobook-value relationships that were typical in the early 1980s.
It is more difficult to date and measure the collapse in the real estate market because property rarely changes hands 0 Nevertheless, the air also rushed out of the real estate balloon during the early 1990so Various measures of land prices and property values indicate a decline roughly as severe as that of the stock market. The bursting of the bubble destroyed the myth that
Japan was different and that its asset prices would always rise.
The financial laws of gravity know no geographic boundaries.
The collapse of the bubble in Japan had profound effects on the financial system and on the Japanese economyo Unlike their counterparts in the United States, Japanese commercial banks, life insurance companies, and even nonfinancial corporations themselves hold large amounts of stocks and real estateo The bursting of the bubble weakened the entire financial system and was followed by a severe recession that lasted into the next centuryo
4
The Biggest Bubble of All:
Surfing on the Internet
If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs . . .
Yours is the Earth and everything that's in it . . .
-Rudyard Kipling, If
We save for last what was undoubtedly the biggest bubble of the twentieth century-if not of all time.
Indeed, comparing the Internet bubble to the tulip-bulb craze is undoubtedly unfair to the flowers 0 Most bubbles have been associated with some new technology (as in the tronics or biotech booms) or with some new business opportunity (as when the opening of profitable new trade opportunities spawned the South Sea Bubble)o The Internet was associated with both: It represented a new technology, and it offered new business opportunities that promised to revolutionize the way we obtain information and purchase goods and services 0 The promise of the Internet spawned the largest creation and largest destruction of wealth of all timeo When the bubble popped, over
$8 trillion of market value evaporatedo It was as if a year's output of the economies of Germany, France, England, Italy, Spain,
Holland, and Russia had completely disappearedo
How Bubbles Arise
Robert Shiller, in Irrational Exuberance, describes bubbles in terms of "positive feedback loopso" A bubble starts when any
The Biggest Bubble of All
79
group of stocks, in this case those associated with the excitement of the Internet, begin to riseo The updraft encourages more people to buy the stocks, which causes more TV and print coverage, which causes even more people to buy, which creates big profits for early Internet stockholderso The successful investors tell you at cocktail parties how easy it is to get rich, which causes the stocks to rise further, which pulls in larger and larger groups of investors 0 But the whole mechanism is a kind of Ponzi scheme where more and more credulous investors must be found to buy the stock from the earlier investors 0 Eventually, one runs out of greater fools.
Even highly respected Wall Street firms joined in the hot-air float. The venerable investment firm Goldman Sachs argued in.
mid-2000 that the cash burned by the dot-com companies was primarily an "investor sentiment" issue and not a "long-term risk" for the sector or "space," as it was often calledo A few months later, hundreds of Internet companies were bankrupt, proving that the Goldman report was inadvertently correct. The cash burn rate was not a long-term risk-it was a short-term risk.
Until that moment, anyone scoffing at the potential for the
"New Economy" was a hopeless Luddite doomed to seething envy of all those profiting from it. As the chart below indicates, the NASDAQ Index, an index essentially representing hightech New Economy companies, more than tripled from late
1998 to March 20000 The price-earnings multiples of the stocks in the index that had earnings soared to over 1000
NASDAQ Composite Stock Index
July 1999-July 2002
6000
5000 ,...............,........ ,........'.................... ..... ....., ...... ......... ......................... '............' ...................... ..... .. ..,........ ......,...
4000.. ,....................... ........,............, ........,............ ,..,......... , ....... ,.... ........,..... '...... ....................... ..,...................
3000....."...........,...... .......,..........'...,., .........,....., ,...........'.......................... . .............................,.........'...........'.................
1000
80
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
A Broad-Scale High-Tech Bubble
At the bubble's height, scoffers were as hard to find as the
May tag repairmano Surveys of investors in early 2000 revealed that expectations of future stock returns ranged from 15 percent per year to 25 percent or higher. Mter all, since 1982, the stock market had produced greater than 18 percent returns. And for companies such as Cisco and IDS Uniphase, widely known as producing "the backbone of the Internet," 15 percent returns per year were considered a slam dunko But Cisco was selling at a triple-digit multiple of earnings and had a market capitalization of almost $600 billiono If Cisco grew its earnings at 15 percent per year, it would still be selling at a well above average multiple ten years latero And if Cisco returned 15 percent per year for the next twenty-five years and the national economy continued to grow at 6 percent over the same period, Cisco would have been bigger than the entire economyo Obviously, there was a complete disconnect between stock-market valuations and any reasonable expectations of future growth. And even blue-chip Cisco lost over 90 percent of its market value when the bubble burst. As for IDS Uniphase, the following chart plots its prices against the NASDAQ Index from mid-1997
through mid-20020 By comparison, the bubble in the overall index is hardly noticeable.
Comparison of }DS Uniphase Stock with the NASDAQ Composite Index
July 1997-July 2002 .
+ 3000% .. ................. ..................................... ..................................... ...
+ 2000%" ................. ..................................... ........ ............................ .......... ........... ....... ..........................,......... ..................
0%
Jan '98
J an '99
Jan '00
Jan '01
Jan '02
The Biggest Bubble of All
81
Stocks of companies such as Amazonocom and Priceline ocom-the drum majors of the Internet parade-rose to dizzying heights 0 Amazon, \vith relatively modest revenues from book sales and with large losses, sold at prices that made its total market capitalization (the price of its stock multiplied by the number of shares) larger than the total market value of all the publicly owned booksellers such as Barnes & Nobleo Jeff Bezos,
Amazon's CEO, was Time magazine's 1999 "Person of the Yearo"
Priceline, an auction company whose site sold empty airline seats while losing buckets of money, sold at a total market capitalization that exceeded the combined capitalization of all the major air carrierso The mania for Internet-related stocks seemed to know no boundso The disastrous results for investors, even in the leading New Economy stocks, is shown in the table that followso
Stock
Amazonocom
Cisco Systems
Corning
JDS Uniphase
Lucent Technologies
Nortel Networks
Pricelineocom
Yahooocom
How Even the Leading New Economy Stocks Ruined Investors
High Low Percentage
2000 2001-2002 Decline
75025 5.51 92.7
82000 8.12 9001
113033 1010 9900
297034 1058 99.5
74093 .55 9903
143062 .43 9907
165000 1.05 9904
238050 8.45 9604
In the name game during the tronics boom, all manner of companies added the suffix "tronics" to increase their attractiveness; the same happened during the Internet maniao Dozens of companies, even those that had little or nothing to do with the Net, changed their names to include Web-oriented designations such as dot-com, dotnet, or Internet. Three researchers from Purdue University, Mo Cooper, Do Dimitrov, and R R. Rau, studied sixty-three companies that changed their names in
1998 and 1999 to include some Web orientationo Measuring the price change of the companies from five days prior to a name change (when word of the change began to leak out) to five days after the change was announced, they confirmed a remarkable effect. Companies that changed their names enjoyed an increase
82
STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
in price during that ten-day period that was 125 percent greater than that of their peerso This price increase occurred even when the company's core business had nothing whatsoever to do with the Net. In a later paper examining the post-bubble period, the authors found that stock prices benefited when dot-com was deleted from the firm's name.
An example of the complete insanity that gripped the market-an insanity that went well beyond irrational exuberance-is the case of PalmPilot, the maker of Personal Digital
Assistants (PDAs)o Palm was owned by a company called 3Com, which decided to spin it off to its shareholders 0 Since PDAs were touted as a sine qua non of the digital revolution, it was assumed that PalmPilot would be a particularly exciting stock.
Little did 3Com know how strongly the market would react.
In early 2000, 3Com sold 5 percent of its shares ill Palm in an initial public offering and announced its intention to spin off all the remaining shares to the 3Com shareholderso Palm took off so fast that its market capitalization became twice as large as that of 3Como But remember that 3Com still owned 95 percent of Palmo It turned out that the value of 95 percent of Palm was almost $25 billion greater than the total market capitalization of
3Como It was as if all of 3Com's other assets were worth a negative $25 billiono If you wanted to buy PalmPilot you could have bought 3Com and owned the rest of 3Com's business for minus
$61 per shareo In its mindless search for riches, the market created anomalies that were even stranger than the fraudulent accounting practices that were soon to be revealedo
An Unprecedented New-Issue Craze
In the first quarter of 2000, 916 venture capital firms invested $1507 billion in 1,009 startup Internet companies 0
Many were playing catch-up: an astonishing 159 initial public offerings (IPOs) had been successfully completed in the previous quartero It was as if the stock market was on steroids 0 As happened during the South Sea Bubble, many companies that received financing were absurdo Almost all turned out to be dotcom catastropheso Consider the following examples of Internet startups 0
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· Digiscents offered a peripheral you could plug into your computer that would make Web sites and computer games smell.
The company ran through milliollS from venture capitalists trying to develop such a producto
· Flooz offered an alternative currency-Flooz-that could be e-mailed to friends and familyo It was not quite money, because there were only a few places you could use it, but it sure made a unique gift. In order to jump-start the company,
Floozocom turned to an old business school maxim that "any idiot can sell a one-dollar bill for eighty centso" Floozocom launched a special offer to American Express platinum card holders allowing them to buy $1,000 of Flooz currency for just $8000 Shortly before declaring bankruptcy, Flooz itself was Floozed when Filipino and Russian gangs bought
$300,000 of its currency using stolen credit card numberso
· Consider Petsocom, a real dog if there ever was oneo The company had a sock-puppet mascot that starred in its TV commercials and even made an appearance at a Macy's
Thanksgiving Day Parade 0 Unfortunately, the popularity of its mascot did not compensate for the fact that it's hard to make a profit individually shipping low-margin 25-pound bags of kibbleo
The names alone of many of the Internet ventures stretch credulity: Bunionsocom, Crayfish, Zapocom, Gadzooks, Fogdog,
FatBrain, Jungleocom, Scoot.com, mylackeyocom, and, moreover, Moreoverocomo And then there was ezboardocom, which produced Internet pages called toilet paper, to help you "get the poop" on the online communityo These were not business modelso They were models for business failure.
Philip 10 Kaplan proved to be a brilliant chronicler of the stupidity of the new dot-com financingso Deciding to kill some time during a Memorial Day weekend just after the bubble deflated, he set up a Web site F* *kedcompanYocom that offered the latest gossip about sinking dot-com companies as well as a betting pool on when the companies would go undero (The Web site could be accessed by filling in the expurgated characters censored aboveo) The site attracted 4 million viewerso Kaplan then published a book named after the site where he ridiculed
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STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
100 of the most ludicrous of the dot-com business ideaso Here is how Kaplan described the flameout of Swapltocomo
SO LET ME GET THIS STRAIGHT:
1) I send them a CDo
2) They give me useless "SwapIt Buckso"
3) They go out of businesso
4) I get nothing.
Great, sign me up!
SwapIt.com was a fiercely stupid idea 0 The premise was that people could trade used CDs and video games with one another by physically mailing their crap to SwapIt.com. Users would then be issued "SwapIt Bucks" that they could use to buy other people's crap that had also been sent to the companyo 0 0 0
eBay's entire success is based on the fact that they have NO
INVENTORYo By dealing with all the inventory and fulfillment,
Swap It is like all of the crap with none of the benefit.
TheGlobe.com
My most vivid memory of the IPO boom dates back to an early morning 'in November 1998, when I was being interviewed on a TV showo As I waited in the "green room," I thought how out of place it was to be sitting next to two young men dressed in jeans who, while in their early twenties, looked like teenagerso Little did I realize that they were the first superstars of the Internet boom and the featured attractions on the show.
Stephen Paternot and Todd Krizelman had formed a company called TheGlobeocom in Todd's dorm room at Cornell. Their company was an online message board system that hoped to generate large revenues from selling banner advertisingo In earlier times, one needed actual revenues and profits to come to market with an lPG, but TheGlobeocom had neithero Nevertheless, this was a new era, and their bankers, Credit Suisse First
Boston, brought them to market at a price of $9 per shareo The price immediately soared to $97, at that time the largest first
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85
Source: Doonesbury @ Copyright 1998 G. B. Trudeau. Reprinted with permission of
Universal Press Syndicate. All rights reserved.
day gain in history, giving the company a market value of nearly
$1 billion and making the two founders multimillionaireso That was the day we learned that investors would throw money at businesses that only five years before would not have passed normal due diligence hurdles.
The initial public offering of TheGlobe.Com was the catalyst that launched the pathological phase of the Internet bubbleo The relationship between profits and share price had been severed, and a wave of money-losing ventures rushed to the market with IPOso As for Paternot, a CNN segment in 1999
caught him at a trendy New York nightclub dancing on a table, in shiny plastic black pants, wit;h his trophy model girlfriend 0
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STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
On camera Paternot was heard to say, "Got the girl, got the moneyo Now I'm ready to live a disgusting, frivolous lifeo" Well, life may be disgusting now that Paternot and Krizelman are known as the "global poster boys of Internet excesso" As for
TheGlobeocom, the company closed its Web site in 20010 In
Paternol's tell-all book, A Very Public Offering, he admits how little he knew about how to run a companyo "My principal experience as a businessman," he writes, "was the constant sense of being on the verge of death: always pushing as hard as possible and in constant denial of the inevitableo"
While the party was still going strong in early 2000, John
Doerr, a leading venture capitalist with the preeminent firm of
Kleiner Perkins, called the rise in Internet-related stocks "the greatest legal creation of wealth in the history of the planet." In
2002, he neglected to write that it was also the greatest legal destruction of wealth on the planet.
Security Analysts Speak Up
Wall Street's high-profile securities analysts provided much of the hot air floating the Internet bubbleo Analysts such as
Mary Meeker of Morgan Stanley, Henry Blodgett of Merrill
Lynch, and Jack Grubman of Salomon Smith Barney became household names and were accorded the status of sports heroes or rock starso Meeker was dubbed by Barron's magazine the
"Queen of the 'Net." Blodgett was known as "King Henry," while
Grubman acquired the sobriquet "Telecom Guru" and in the words of one worshipful CEO was almost a "demigodo"
Like sports heroes, each of them was earning a multimilliondollar salaryo Their incomes, however, were based not on the quality of their analysis but rather on their ability to steer lucrative investment banking business to their firms by implicitly promising that their ongoing favorable research coverage would provide continuing support for the initial public offerings in the after market.
Traditionally, a "Chinese Wall" was supposed to separate the research function of Wall Street firms, which is supposed to work for the benefit of investors, from the very profitable investment
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banking function, which works for the benefit of corporate clients.
But during the bubble, that wall became more like Swiss cheese.
Analysts were the very public cheerleaders for the boom.
Blodgett flatly stated that traditional valuation metrics were not relevant in "the big-bang stage of an industryo" Meeker suggested, in a flattering New Yorker profile in 1999, that "this is a time to be rationally recklesso" Their public comments on individual stocks made prices soaro And why not? Stock selections were described in terms of powerful baseball hits: A stock that would be expected to quadruple was a "Four Baggero" More exciting stocks might be "Ten Baggerso" And as The Industry Standard remarked, "When Mary Meeker Talks, Net Stocks Go Bananaso"
Securities analysts always find reasons to be bullisho They seldom utter the four-letter "sell" word, because they do not want to endanger current or future investment banking relationships or to offend corporate chief financial officers 0 Traditionally, ten stocks were rated "buy" for each one rated "selL" But during the bubble, the ratio of buys to sells reached close to 100
to 10 And as stocks climbed more and more, Americans became convinced that investing was easyo They watched CNBC to listen to interviews with their favorite investment gurus, and they could not get enough of the fluff the analysts were peddling.
When the bubble burst, the celebrity analysts faced death threats and lawsuits and their firms faced investigations and fines by the SEC and the New York State Attorney General Eliot
Spitzero Blodgett was renamed the "clown prince" of the Internet bubble by the New Thrk Posto Grubman was ridiculed before a congressional committee for his continuous touting of World
Com stock and investigated by Attorney General Spitzer for changing his stock ratings to help obtain investment banking businesso Both Blodgett and Grubman left their firms 0 Fortune magazine summed it all up with a picture of Mary Meeker on the cover and the caption "Can We Ever Trust Wall Street Again?"
New Valuation Metrics
In order to justify ever higher prices for Internet-related companies, security analysts began to use a variety of "new
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STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
metrics" that could be used to value the stocks 0 After all, the
New Economy stocks were a breed apart-they should certainly not be held to the fuddy-duddy old-fashioned standards such as price-earnings multiples that had been used to value traditional old economy companies.
Somehow, in the brave new Internet world, sales, revenues, and profits were irrelevant. In order to value Internet companies, analysts looked instead at "eyeballs"-the number of people viewing a Web page or "visiting" a Web siteo Particularly important were numbers of "engaged shoppers"-those who spent at least three minutes on a Web siteo Mary Meeker gushed enthusiastically about Drugstoreocom because 48 percent of the eyeballs viewing the site were "engaged shopperso" No one cared whether the engaged shopper forked over greenbacks and bought anything 0 Sales were so old-fashionedo Drugstoreocom reached a price of $67050 during the height of the bubble of
20000 By the fall of the next year-when eyeballs started looking at profits-it was a "penny" stocko
"Mind share" was another popular nonfinancial.metric that convinced me that investors had lost their collective minds.
For example, online home seller Homestoreocom was highly recommended in October 2000 by Morgan Stanley because 72
percent of all the time spent by Internet users on real estate
Web sites was spent on properties listed by Homestoreocom.
But "mind share" did not lead to Internet users making up their minds to buy the properties listed and did not prevent Homestoreocom from falling 99 percent from its high during 20010
Special metrics were established for telecom companies 0
Security analysts clambered into tunnels to count the miles of fiber-optic cable in the ground rather than examining the tiny fraction that was actually lit up with traffico Each telecom company borrowed money with abandon and enough fiber was laid to circle the earth 1,500 timeso As a sign of the times, the telecom and Internet service provider PSI Net (now bankrupt) put its name on the Baltimore Ravens' football fieldo As the prices of telecom stocks continued to skyrocket well past any normal valuation standards, security analysts did what they often dothey just lowered their standards.
The ease with which telecoms could raise money from Wall
Street led to massive oversupply-too much long-distance
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fiber-optic cable, too ,many computers, and too many telecom companieso The industry literally choked to deatho In 2002, even mighty WorldCom declared bankruptcyo And the big equipment companies such as Lucent and Nortel, which had engaged in risky vendor financing deals, suffered staggering losses and laid off tens of thousands of workers 0 About a trillion dollars was thrown into telecom investments during the bubbleo Most of it has simply vaporized. One of the jokes making the rounds of the Internet in 2001 went as follows:
Tip of the Week
If you bought $1,000 worth of Nortel stock one year ago, it would now be worth $490 If you bought $1,000 worth of Budweiser (the beer, not the stock) one year ago, drank all the beer, and traded in the cans for the nickel deposit, you would have $790
My advice to you 0 0 0 start drinking heavilyo
By the fall of 2002, the $1,000 put into Nortel stock was worth only $30
The Writes of the Media
The bubble was aided and abetted by the media, which turned us into a nation of traderso Like the stock market, journalism is subject to the laws of supply and demad. Since investors wanted more information about Internet investing opportunities, the supply of magazines increased to fill the needo And since readers were not interested in downbeat skeptical analyses, they flocked to those publications that promised an easy road to richeso Investment magazines featured stories such as "Internet stocks likely to double in the months aheado" As Jane Bryant Quinn remarked, it was
"investment pornography"-soft core rather than hard core,
"but pornography all the same.!'
A number of business and technology magazines devoted to the Internet sprang up to satisfy what seemed to be an insatiable
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STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
public desire for more informationo Wired described itself as the vanguard of the digital revolutiono The Industry Standard was the new weekly of the Internet economy, and Business 200
prided itself as the "oracle of the New Economyo" The proliferation of publications was a classic sign of a speculative bubble.
The historian Edward Chancellor pointed out that during the
1840s, fourteen weeklies and two dailies were introduced to cover the new railroad industryo During the financial crises of
1847, many of the rail publications perishedo When The Industry Standard failed in 2001, the New York Times editorialized, "it may well go down as the day the buzz diedo"
The Internet itself became the rnediao No longer did the individual investor have to consult the Wall Street Journal or call a broker to get a stock's price quoteo All the information needed was available online in real time 0 The Web provided stock summaries, analyst ratings, past stock charts, forecasts of next quarter's earnings and long-term growth, and instant access to any news items about most any stocko The Internet had democratized the investment process, and it played an important enabling role in perpetuating the bubble.
Online brokers were also a critical factor in fueling the
Internet boomo Trading was cheap, at least in terms of the small dollar amount of commissions charged 0 (Actually, the costs of trading were larger than most online brokers advertised, since much of the cost is buried in the spread between a dealer's "bid" price, the price at which a customer could sell, and the "asked" price, the price at which a customer could buyo) The discount brokerage firms advertised heavily and made it seem that it was easy to beat the market. In one commercial, the customer boasted that she did not simply want to beat the market but to "throttle its scrawny little body to the ground and make it beg for mercyo" In another popular TV
commercial, Stuart, the cybergeek from the mailroom, was encouraging his old-fashioned boss to make his first online stock purchase with the exhortation "Let's light this candleo"
When the boss protested that he knew nothing about the stock, Stuart said, "Let's research it." After one click on the keyboard, the boss, thinking himself much wiser, bought his first hundred shares.
Television supplied continuous air for floating the Inter
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net bubbleo Cable networks such as CNBC and Bloomberg became cultural phenomenao Across the world, health clubs, airports, bars, and restaurants were permanently tuned in t.
CNBCo The stock market was treated like a sports event with a pre-game show (what to expect before the market opened), a play-by-play during trading hours, and a post-game show to review the day's action and to prepare investors for the next.
CNBC implied that listening would put you "ahead of the curveo" Most guests interviewed during the day were bullish.
CNBC's commentators like Maria (the money honey) Bartiromo particularly favored scheduling interviews with analysts who could say with confidence that some $50 dot-com stock would soon go to $5000 There was no need to remind a
CNBC anchor that, just as the family dog that bites the baby is likely to have a short tenure, sourpuss skeptics did not encourage high ratings.
The market was a hotter story than sexo Even Howard Stern would interrupt more usual discussions about porn queens and body parts to muse about the stock market and then to tout some particular Internet stocks.
The result was that turnover reached an all-time high.
The average holding period for a typical stock was not measured in years or even months but rather in days and hours.
Redemption ratios of mutual funds (the percentage of the funds' assets redeemed) soared and the volatility of individual stock prices explodedo The twenty most volatile stocks in each trading day used to rise or fall by 5 percent. By early
2000, the biggest percentage changes in price were all 50 percent or moreo And there were 10 million Internet "day traders," many of whom had quit their jobs to go down the easy path to richeso For them, the long term meant later in the morningo It was lunacyo People who would spend hours researching the pros and cons of buying a $50 kitchen appliance would risk tens of thousands on a chat-room tipo Terrance Odean, a finance professor who studies investor behavior, found with his colleagues that most Internet traders actually lost money even during the bubble, systematically buying and selling the wrong stocks, and that they performed worse the more they tradedo The average survival time for day traders was about six monthso
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STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
Fraud Slithers In and Strangles the Market
Speculative manias, such as the Internet bubble, bring out the worst aspects of our systemo Let there be no mistake: it was the extraordinary New Economy mania that encouraged a string of business scandals that shook the capitalist system to its roots.
Many businesses were managed not for the creation of longrun value but for the immediate gratification of speculators.
When Wall Street's conflicted sell-side analysts looked for high short-term forecasted earnings to justify outlandishly high stock prices, many corporate managers willingly obligedo And if aggressive earnings targets proved hard to meet, "creative accounting" could be used so that not only the published street estimates but even the "whisper numbers" could be surpassed.
One spectacular example was the rise and subsequent bankruptcy of Enron-at one time the seventh-largest corporation in
Americao The collapse of Enron, where over $65 billion of market value was wiped out, can be understood only in the context of the enormous bubble in the New Economy part of the stock market. Enron was seen as the perfect New Economy stock that could dominate the market not just for energy but also for broadband communications, widespread electronic trading, and commerce.
Enron was a clear favorite of Wall Street analystso Even after it began to unravel during the fall of 2001, sixteen out of seventeen security analysts covering Enron had "buy" or "strong buy"
ratings on the stocko Old utility and energy companies were likened by Fortune magazine to "a bunch of old fogies and their wives shuffling around to the sounds of Guy Lombardoo" Enron was likened to a young Elvis Presley "crashing through the skylight" in his skintight gold-lame suit. The writer left out the part where Elvis ate himself to deatho Enron set the standard for thinking outside the box-the quintessential killer app, paradigm-shifting companyo Unfortunately, it also set new standards for obfuscation and deception.
One of the scams perpetrated by Enron management was the establishment of a myriad of complex partnerships that obfuscated the true financial position of the firm and led to an overstatement of Enron's earningso Here is how one of t,he simpler ones workedo Enron formed a joint venture with Block
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buster to rent out movies onlineo The deal failed several months latero But after the venture was formed, Enron secretly set up a partnership with a Canadian bank that essentially lent Enron
$115 million in exchange for future profits from the Blockbuster ventureo Of course, the Blockbuster deal never made a nickel, but Enron counted the $115 million loan as a "profit."
Wall Street analysts applauded and called Ken Lay, Enron's chairman, the "mastermind of the yearo"
Other partnerships, with names like Cheruco (named for
Chewbacca, the Star Wars Wookie), Raptor, and Jedi, had similar effects, since the Force was clearly with Enrono Before the law caught up with him, the Force appeared to be with Andrew
Fastow, Enron's chief financial officer, who made $30 million in fees for running what were supposedly independent partnershipso All the partnerships were kept off Enron's financial statementso This had the effect of inflating earnings, while keeping losses and enormous amounts of debt obscured from viewo The accounting firm of Arthur Andersen certified the books as
"fairly stating" Enron's financial conditiono And Wall Street was delighted to collect lucrative fees from the creative partnerships that were established.
Deception appeared to be a way of life at Enrono The Wall
Street Journal reported that Ken Lay and Jeff Skilling, Enron's top executives, were personally involved in establishing a fake trading room to impress Wall Street security analysts, in an episode employees referred to as "The Stingo" The best equipment was purchased, employees were given parts to play arranging fictitious deals, and even the phone lines were painted black to make the operation look particularly slicko The whole thing was an elaborate charadeo In 2006, Lay and Skilling were convicted of conspiracy and fraudo A broken man, Ken Lay died later that year.
One employee, who lost his job and his retirement savings when Enron collapsed into bankruptcy, took to the Web, where he sold T-shirts with the message "I got lay'd by enrono"
But Enron was only one of a number of accounting frauds that were perpetrated on unsuspecting investors during the bubbleo Various telecom companies overstated revenues through swaps of fiber-optic capacity at inflated priceso Tyco created "cookie jar" reserves and accelerated pre-merger outlays
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STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
to "springload" earnings from acquisitionso And WorldCom admitted that it had overstated profits and cash flow by $7 billion, by classifying ordinary expenses that should have been charged against earnings as capital investments that were not deducted from the bottom lineo In far too many cases corporate chief executive officrs (CEOs) acted more like chief embezzlement officers, and some chief financial officers (CFOs) could nlore appropriately be called corporate fraud officers 0 While analysts were praising stocks like Enron and WorldCom to the skies, some corporate officers were transforming the meaning of
EBITDA from earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation, and amortization to "earnings before I tricked the dumb auditoro"
These scandals finally led to a number of reforms that should lessen the widespread conflicts of interest involving managers, accountants, boards, and security analystso
Should We Have Known the Dangers?
Fraud aside, we should have known bettero We should have known that investments in transforming technologies have often proved unrewarding for investorso In the 1850s, the railroad was widely expected to greatly increase the efficiency of communications and commerceo It certainly did so, but it did not justify the prices of railroad stocks, which increased to enormous speculative heights before collapsing in August
18570 A century later, airlines and televisioll manufacturers transformed our country, but most of the early investors lost their shirtso The key to investing is not how much an industry will affect society or even how much it will grow, but rather its ability to make and sustain profits 0 And history tells us that eventually all excessively exuberant markets succumb to the laws of gravityo The consistent losers in the market, from my personal experience, are those who are unable to resist being swept up in some kind of tulip-bulb crazeo It is not hard, really, to make money in the market. As we shall see later, an investor who simply buys and holds a broad-based portfolio of stocks can make reasonably generous long-run returnso What is hard to avoid is the alluring temptation to throw your money away on short, get-rich-quick speculative binges.
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There were many villains in this morality tale: the feeobsessed underwriters who should have known better than to peddle all of the crap they brought to market; the research analysts who were the cheerleaders for the banking departments and who were eager to recommend Net stocks that could be pushed by commission-hungry brokers; corporate executives using "creative accounting" to inflate their profitso But it was the infectious greed of individual investors and their susceptibility to get-rich-quick schemes that allowed the bubble to expand 0
And yet the melody lingers ono I have a friend who built a modest investment stake into a small fortune with a diversified portfolio of bonds, real estate funds, and stock funds that owned a broad selection of blue-chip companieso But he was restlesso At cocktail parties he kept running into people boasting about this Net stock that tripled or that telecom chipmaker that doubledo He wanted some of the actiono Along came a stock called Booocom, an Internet retailer that planned to sell with no discounts "urban chic clothing-that was so cool it wasn't even cool yet." In other words, Booocom was going to sell at full price clothes that people were not yet wearingo But my friend had seen the cover of Time with the headline "Kiss
Your Mall Goodbye: Online Shopping Is Faster, Cheaper, and
Bettero" The prestigious firm of JP Morgan had invested millions in the company, and Fortune called it one of the "cool companies of 19990"
My friend was hooked. "This Booocom story will have all the tape watchers drooling with excitement and conjuring up visions of castles in the airo Any delay in buying would be selfdefeatingo" And so my friend had to rush in before greater fools would tread.
The company blew through $135 million in two years before going bankrupt. The co-founder, answering charges that her firm spent too extravagantly, explained, "I only flew Concorde three times, and they were all special offerso" Of course, my friend had bought in just at the height of the bubble, and he lost his entire investment when the firm declared bankruptcy.
The ability to avoid such horrendous mistakes is probably the most important factor in preserving one's capital and allowing it to growo The lesson is so obvious and yet so easy to ignoreo
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STOCKS AND THEIR VALUE
A Final Word
Probably more so than any other chapter in the book, this review of the Internet bubble seems inconsistent with the view that the stock market is rational and efficient. The lesson from this chapter, it seems to me, is not that markets occasionally can be irrational and, therefore, that we should abandon the firmfoundation theoryo Rather, the clear conclusion is that, in every case, the market did correct itselfo The market eventually corrects any irrationality-albeit in its own slow, inexorable fashiono Anomalies can crop up, markets can get irrationally exuberant, and they often attract unwary investorso But eventually, true value is recognized by the market, and this is the main lesson investors must heed.
I am also persuaded by the wisdom of Benjamin Graham, author of Security Analysis, who wrote that in the final analysis the stock market is not a voting mechanism but a weighing mechanismo Valuation metrics have not changedo Eventually, every stock can only be worth the value of the cash flow it is able to earn for the benefit of investorso In the end, true value will win out. The important investment question is how you can estimate true valueo More about this in chapter 5, where we will take a closer look at how professionals attempt to determine what a stock is truly worth.
PART TWO
How the Pros
Play the
Biggest Game in Town
5
Technical and
Fundamental
Analysis
A picture is worth ten thousand words.
-Old Chinese proverb
The greatest of all gifts is the power to estimate things at their true worth.
-La Rochefoucauld, Repexions; ou sentences et maximes morales
On a typical day in 2006, shares with a total market value of $100 billion were traded on the New York
Stock Exchange 0 And that is only part of the storyo An even larger volume of trading is carried out on the NASDAQ market and various electronic crossing networks as well as a variety of regional exchanges across the countryo Including markets for futures, options, and swaps, trillions of dollars of transactions take place each dayo Professional investment analysts and counselors are involved in what has been called the biggest game in toWll.
If the stakes are high, so are the rewardso When Wall Street is having a good year, new trainees from the Harvard Business
School routinely draw salaries of well over $150,000 per year.
At the top of the salary scale are the high-profile money managers themselves-the men and women who run the large mutual, pension, and trust funds and who manage over $1 trillion of hedge-fund assetso 'dam Smith," after writing The
Money Game, boasted that he would make a quarter of a million dollars from his best-selling booko His Wall Street friends retorted, "You're only going to make as much as a second-rate institutional salesmano" It is fair to conclude that, although not
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How THE PROS PLAY THE GAME
the oldest, the profession of high finance is certainly one of the most generously compensated.
Part Two of this book concentrates on the methods and results of the professionals of Wall Street, LaSalle Street, Montgomery Street, and the various road-town financial centers. It then shows how academics have analyzed these professional results and have concluded that they are not worth the money you pay for them.
Academicians are a notoriously picayune lot. With their ringing motto "Publish or perish," they keep themselves busy by preparing papers demolishing other people's theories, defending their own work, or constructing elaborate embellishments to generally accepted ideas.
The efficient-market theory is a case in point. We now have three versions-the "weak," the "semi-strong," and the
"strongo" All three forms espouse the general idea that except for long-run trends, future stock prices are difficult, if not impossible, to predict. Therefore, stock investors can do no better than simply buying and holding a fund that owns a representative sample of all the stocks in the market. The weak form says you cannot predict future stock prices on the basis of past stock priceso This version asserts that stock prices behave very much like a random walko The semi-strong form says you cannot even utilize published information to predict future prices.
The strong version goes flat out and says that nothing-not even unpublished developments-can be of use in predicting future prices; everything that is known, or even knowable, has already been reflected in present priceso The weak form attacks the underpinnings of technical analysis, and the semi-strong and strong forms argue against many of the beliefs held by those using fundamental analysiso
Technical versus Fundamental Analysis
The attempt to predict accurately the future course of stock prices and thus the appropriate time to buy or sell a stock must rank as one of investors' most persistent endeavorso This search for the golden egg has spawned a variety of methods, ranging
Technical and Fundamental Analysis
101
from the scientific to the occult. There are people today who forecast future stock prices by measuring sunspots, looking at the phases of the moon, or measuring the vibrations along the
San Andreas Fault. Most, however, opt for one of two methods:
technical or fundamental analysis.
The alternative techniques used by the investment pros are related to the two theories of the stock market I covered in Part
Dneo Technical analysis is the method of predicting the appropriate time to buy or sell a stock used by those believing in the castle-in-the-air view of stock pricingo Fundamental analysis is the technique of applying the tenets of the firm-foundation theory to the selection of individual stocks.
Technical analysis is essentially the making and interpreting of stock chartso Thus, its practitioners, a small but abnormally dedicated cult, are called chartistso They study the past-both the movements of common stock prices and the volume of trading-for a clue to the direction of future change 0
Most chartists believe that the market is only 10 percent logical and 90 percent psychological. They generally subscribe to the castle-in-the-air school and view the investment game as one of anticipating how the other players will behaveo Charts, of course, tell only what the other players have been doing in the past. The chartist's hope, however, is that a careful study of what the other players are doing will shed light on what the crowd is likely to do in the future.
Fundamental analysts take the opposite t.ack, believing that the market is 90 percent logical and only 10 percent psychological. Caring little about the particular pattern of past price movement, fundamentalists seek to determine an issue's proper valueo Value in this case is related to the expected growth rate of earnings and dividends, interest rates, and risko By estimating such factors as the future growth for each company, the fundamentalist arrives at an estimate of a security's intrinsic value or firm foundation of valueo If this is above the market price, then the investor is advised to buyo Fundamentalists. believe that eventually the market will reflect accurately the security's real wortho Perhaps 90 percent of the Wall Street security analysts consider themselves fundamentalistso Many would argue that chartists are lacking in dignity and profesionalismo
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How THE PROS PLAY THE GAME
What Can Charts Tell You?
The first principle of technical analysis is that all information about earnings, dividends, and the future performance of a company is automatically reflected in the company's past market priceso A chart showing these prices and the volume of trading already comprises all the fundamental information, good or bad, that the security analyst can hope to knowo The second principle is that prices tend to move in trends: A stock that is rising tends to keep on rising, whereas a stock at rest tends to remain at rest.
A true chartist doesn't even care to know what business or industry a company is in, as long as he or she can study its stock chart. A chart shaped in the form of an "inverted bowl" or
"pennant" means the same for Microsoft as it does for Coca
Colao Fundamental information on earnings and dividends is considered at best to be useless-and at worst a positive distractiono It is either of inconsequential importance for the pricing of the stock or, if it is important, it has already been reflected in the market days, weeks, or even months before the news has become publico For this reason, many chartists will not even read the newspaper except to follow the daily price quotations.
One of the original chartists, John Magee, operated from a small office in Springfield, Massachusetts, where even the windows were boarded up to prevent any outside influences from distracting his analysis 0 Magee was once quoted as saying,
"When I come into this office I leave the rest of the world outside to concentrate entirely on my chartso This room is exactly the same in a blizzard as on a moonlit June evening 0 In here I can't possibly do myself and my clients the disservice of saying 'buy'
simply because the sun is out or 'sell' because it is raining."
As shown in the figures opposite, you can easily construct a chart. You simply draw a vertical line whose bottom is the stock's low for the day and whose top is the higho This line is crossed to indicate the closing price for the dayo In the left-hand figure, the stock had a range of quotations that day between 20 and 21 and closed at 200 The process can be repeated for each trading day.
It can be used for individual stocks or for one of the stock averages that you see in the financial pages of most newspapers.
Technical and Fundamental Analysis 103
30 30 30 30
29 29
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27 27
26 26
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22 22 22
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Often the chartist will indicate the volume of shares of stock traded during the day by another vertical line at the bottom of the chart. Gradually, the highs and lows on the chart of the stock in question jiggle up and Qown sufficiently to produce patterns 0 To the chartist, these patterns have the same significance as X-ray plates to a surgeon.
One of the first things the chartist looks for is a trendo The right-hand figure above shows one in the makingo It is the record of price changes for a stock over a number of days-and the prices are obviously on the way upo The chartist draws two lines connecting the tops and bottoms, creating a "channel" to delineate the uptrendo Because the presumption is that momentum in the market will tend to perpetuate itself, the chartist interprets such a pattern as. a bullish augury-the stock can be expected to continue to riseo As Magee wrote in the bible of charting, Technical Analysis of Stock 1tends, "Prices move in trends, and trends tend to continue until something happens to change the supply-demand balanceo"
Suppose, however, that at about 24, the stock finally runs into trouble and is unable to gain any further groundo This is called a resistance levelo The stock may wiggle around a bit and then turn downward 0 One pattern, which chartists claim reveals a clear signal that the market has topped out, is a headand-shoulders formation (shown in the next figureo)
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30
30
28
29
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ttt t t+t:::it t! t+ttl
22 I T t t + Piercing the neckline
21 + I a bearish signal
24
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The stock first rises and then falls slightly, forming a rounded shouldero It rises again, going slightly higher, before once more receding, forming a heado Finally the right shoulder is formed, and chartists wait with bated breath for the sell signal, which sounds loud and clear when the stock "pierces the necklineo" With the glee of Count Dracula surveying one of his victims, the chartists are off and selling, anticipating that a prolonged downtrend will follow as it allegedly has in the past. Of course, sometimes the market surprises the chartist. For example, the stock may make an end run up to 30 right after giving a bear signal, as shown in the following chart. This is called a bear trap or, to the chartist, the exception that tests the rule.
It follows from the technique that the chartist is a trader, not a long-term investoro The chartist buys when the auguries look favorable and sells on bad omens 0 He flirts with stocks just as some flirt with the opposite sex, and his scores are successful in-and-out trades, not rewarding long-term commitments 0
Indeed, the psychiatrist Don Do Jackson, author with Albert
Haas, Jro, of Bulls, Bears and Dr. Iteud, suggested that such an individual may be playing a game with overt sexual overtones.
When the chartist chooses a stock for potential investment, there is typically a period of observation and flirtation before he commits himself, because for the chartist-as in romance and
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27
26
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t tt t t
! I t t f+ 1beBearp
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sexual conquest-timing is essential. There is mounting excitement as the stock penetrates the base formation and rises highero Finally, if the affair has gone well, there is the moment of fulfillment-profit-taking, and the release and afterglow that followo The chartist's vocabulary features such terms as "double bottoms," "breakthrough," "violating the lows," "firmed up," "big play," "ascending peaks," and "buying climaxo" And all this takes place under the pennant of that great symbol of sexuality: the bull.
The Rationale for the Charting Method
Probably the hardest question to answer is: Why is charting supposed to work? Some of my best friends are chartists and I
have listened very carefully to their explanations, but I have yet really to understand themo Indeed, many chartists freely admit that they don't know why charting should work-history just has a habit of repeating itself.
Yet it is in or nature to ask whyo To me, the following explanations of technical analysis appear to be the most plausibleo Trends might tend to perpetuate themselves for either of two reasonso First, it has been argued that the crowd instinct of
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mass psychology makes it sOo When investors see the price of a speculative favorite going higher and higher, they want to jump on the bandwagon and join the riseo Indeed, the price rise itself helps fuel the enthusiasm in a self-fulfilling prophecyo Each rise in price just whets the appetite and makes investors expect a further rise 0
Second, there may be unequal access to fundamental information about a companyo When some favorable piece of news occurs, such as the discovery of a rich mineral deposit, it is alleged that the insiders are the first to know and they act, buying the stock and causing its price to riseo The insiders then tell their friends, who act next. Then the professionals find out the news, and the big institutions put blocks of the shares in their portfolioso Finally, the poor slobs like you and me get the information and buy, pushing the price still highero This process is supposed to result in a rather gradual increase in the price of the stock when the news is good and a decrease when the news is bado Chartists claim that this scenario is somewhat close to what actually happened in the notorious ImClone case, in which insiders, including diva Martha Stewart, allegedly profited on the basis of nonpublic informationo Chartists are convinced that even if they do not have access to this inside information, observation of price movements alone enables them to pick up the scent of the "smart money" and permits them to get in long before the general public.
Chartists believe that another reason their techniques have validity is that people have a nasty habit of remembering what they paid for a stock, or the price they wish they had paido For example, suppose a stock sold for about $50 a share for a long period of time, during which a number of investors bought in.
Suppose then that the price drops to $400
The chartists claim that the public will be anxious to sell out the shares when they rise back to the price at which they were bought, and thus break even on the tradeo Consequently, the price of $50 at which the stock sold initially becomes a
"resistance areao" Each time the resistance area is reached and the stock turns down again, the theory holds, the resistance level becomes even harder to cross, because more and more investors get the idea that the market or the individual stock in question cannot go any higher.
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A similar argument lies behind the notion of "support levelso" Chartists say that many investors who failed to buy when the market fluctuated around a relatively low price level will feel they have missed the boat when prices riseo Presumably such investors will jump at the chance to buy when prices drop back to the original low level.
Chartists also believe that investors who sold shares when the market was low and then saw prices rise will be anxious to buy those shares back if they can get them again at the price for which they soldo The argument then is that the original low price level becomes a "support area," because investors will believe that prices will again rise above that level. In chart theory, a support area that holds on successive declines becomes stronger and strongero So if a stock declines to a support area and then begins to rise, the traders will jump in believing that the stock is just "coming off the pado" Another bullish signal is flashed when a stock finally breaks through a resistance areao In the lexicon of the chartists, the former resistance area becomes a support area, and the stock should have no trouble gaining further groundo
Why Might Charting Fail to Work?
It is easier for me to present the logical arguments against chartingo First, it should be noted that the chartist buys in only after price trends have been established, and sells only after they have been brokeno Because sharp reversals in the market may occur quite suddenly, the chartist often misses the boat. By the time an uptrend is signaled, it may already have taken placeo Second, such techniques must ultimately be selfdefeatingo As more and more people use it, the value of any technique depreciateso No buy or sell signal can be worthwhile if everyone tries to act on it simultaneously.
Moreover, traders tend to anticipate technical signalso If they see a price about to break through a resistance area, they tend to buy before, not after, it breaks through 0 If it ever was profitable to use such charting techniques, it will now be possible only for those who anticipate the signalso This suggests that others will try to anticipate the signal still earliero Of course, the
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earlier they anticipate, the less certain they are that the signal will occur, and in the scrambling to anticipate signals it is doubtful that any profitable technical trading rules can be developed.
Perhaps the most telling argument against technical methods comes from the logical implications of profit-maximizing behavior on the part of investors 0 Suppose, for example, that
Universal Polymers is selling at around 20 when Sam, the chief research chemist, discovers a new production technique that promises to double the company's earnings and stock price.
Now Sam is convinced that the price of Universal will hit 40
when the news of his discovery comes out. Because any purchases below 40 will provide a swift profit, he may well buy up all the stock he can until the price hits 40, a process that could take no longer than a few minutes.
Even if Sam doesn't have enough money to drive up the price himself, surely his friends and the financial institutions do have the funds to move the price so rapidly that no chartist could get into the act before the whole play is goneo The point is that the market may well be a most efficient mechanismo If some people know that the price will go to 40 tomorrow, it will go to 40 todayo Of course, if Sam makes a public announcement of his discovery as the law requires, the argument holds with even greater forceo Prices may adjust so quickly to new information as to make the whole process of technical analysis a futile exerciseo In the next chapter, I'll examine whether the evidence supports such a pessimistic view of chartingo
From Chartist to Technician
Although chartists are not held in high repute on Wall
Street, their colorful methods, suggesting an easy way to get rich quick, have attracted a wide followingo The companies that manufacture and distribute stock charts and the computer programmers who provide charting software for individuals, securities firms, and financial news networks such as CNBC and
Bloomberg have enjoyed a boom in their sales, and chartists themselves still find excellent employment opportunities with mutual funds and brokerage firms.
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In the days before the computer, the laborious task of charting a course through the market was done by hando Chartists were often viewed as peculiar people, with green eyeshades and carbon on their fingers, who were tucked away in a small closet at the back of the officeo Now chartists have the services of a marvelous personal computer, hooked into a variety of data networks and replete with a large display terminal which, at the tap of a finger, can produce any conceivable chart one might want to seeo The chartist (now always called a technician) can, with the glee of a little child playing with a new electric train, produce a complete chart of a stock's past performance, including measures of volume, the 200-day moving average (an average of prices over the previous 200 days recalculated each day), the strength of the stock relative to the market and relative to its industry, and literally hundreds of other averages, ratios, oscillators, and indicators 0 Moreover, individuals can gain easy access to a variety of charts for different time periods through
Internet sites such as Yahoo!
The Technique of Fundamental Analysis
Fred Schwed, Jro, in his charming and witty expose of the financial community in the 1930s, Where Are the Customers'
Yachts?, tells of a Texas broker who sold some stock to a customer at $760 a share at the moment when it could have been purchased anywhere else at $7300 When the outraged customer found out what had happened, he complained bitterly to the brokero The Texan cut him short. "Suh," he boomed, "you-all don't appreciate the policy of this firm 0 This heah firm selects investments foh its clients not on the basis of Price, but of
Valueo"
In a sense, this story illustrates the difference between the technician and the fundamentalist. The technician is interested only in the record of the stock's price, whereas the fundamentalist's primary concern is with what a stock is really worth 0
The fundamentalist strives to be relatively immune to the optimism and pessimism of the crowd and makes a sharp distinction between a stock's current price and.its true value.
In estimating the firm-foundation value of a security, the
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fundamentalist's most important job is to estimate the firm's future stream of earnings and dividends 0 The worth of a share is taken to be the present or discounted value of all the cash flows the investor is expected to receive from the shares 0 The analyst must estimate the firm's sales level, operating costs, corporate tax rates, depreciation policies, and the sources and costs of its capital requirements.
Basically, the security analyst must be a prophet without the benefit of divine inspirationo As a poor substitute, the analyst turns to a study of the past record of the company, a review of the company's income statements, balance sheets, and investment plans, and a firsthand visit to and appraisal of the company's management teamo This yields a wealth of datao The analyst must then separate the important from the unimportant facts 0 As Benjamin Graham put it in The Intelligent Investor,
"Sometimes he reminds us a bit of the erudite major general in
'The Pirates of Penzance,' with his 'many cheerful facts about the square of the hypotenuseo'"
Because the general prospects of a company are strongly influenced by the economic position of its industry, the obvious starting point for the security analyst is a study of industry prospectso Indeed, in almost all professional investment firms, security analysts specialize in particular industry groupso The fundamentalist hopes that a thorough study of industry conditions will produce valuable insights into factors that may be operative in the future but are not yet reflected in market prices.
The fundamentalist uses four basic determinants to help estimate the proper value for any stocko These help safeguard investors from the speculative crazes described earlier in Part
Dneo
Determinant 1: The expected growth rate. Most people don't recognize the implications of compound growth for financial decisionso Albert Einstein once described compound interest as the "greatest mathematical discovery of all timeo" It is often said that the Native American who sold Manhattan Island in 1626
for $24 was rooked by the white mano In fact, he may have been an extremely sharp salesmano Had he put his $24 away at 6 percent interest, compounded semiannually, it would now be worth more than $100 billion, and with it his descendants
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could buy back much of the now improved land. Such is the magic of compound growth!
Similarly, the implications of various growth rates for the size of future dividends may be surprising to many readerso As the table below shows, growth at a.15 percent rate means that dividends will double every five years 0 * Alternate rates are also presented 0
Growth Rate Present Dividend in Dividend in Dividend in of Dividends Dividend Five Years Ten Years Twen tyFive Years
5% $1000 $1028 $1.63 $ 3039
15% 1.00 2001 4005 32.92
25% 1.00 3.05 9031 264.70
The catch (and doesn't there always have to be at least one, if not twenty-two?) is that dividend growth does not go on forever, for the simple reason that corporations and industries have life cycles similar to most living thingso Consider the leding corporations in the United States over 100 years agoo Such names as Eastern Buggy Whip Company, La Crosse and Minnesota Steam Packet Company, Lobdell Car Wheel Company,
Savannah and S1. Paul Steamboat Line, and Hazard Powder
Company, the already mature enterprises of the time, would have ranked high in a Fortune top 500 list of that erao All are now deceased.
And even if the natural life cycle doesn't get a company, there's always the fact that it gets harder and harder to grow at the same percentage rateo A company earning $1 million need increase its earnings by only $100,000 to achieve a 10 percent growth rate, whereas a company starting from a base of $10 million in earnings needs $1 million in additional earnings to produce the same record.
The nonsense of relying on very high long-term growth rates is nicely illustrated by working with population projections for the United Stateso If the populations of the nation and of California continue to grow at their recent rates, 120 percent
* A handy rule for calculating how many years it takes dividends to double is to divide 72 by the long-term growth rate. Thus, if dividends grow at 15 percent per year, they will double in a bit less than five years (72 + 15).
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of the United States population will live in California by the year 2035! Using similar kinds of projections, one can estimate that at the same time 240 percent of the people in the country with venereal disease will live in Californiao As one Californian put it on hearing these forecasts, "Only the former projections make the latter one seem at all plausibleo"
Hazardous as projections may be, share prices must reflect'
differences in growth prospects if any sense is to be made of market valuations 0 Also, the probable length of the growth phase is very important. If one company expects to enjoy a rapid 20 percent growth rate for ten years, and another growth company expects to sustain the same rate for only five years, the former company is, other things being equal, more valuable to the investor than the lattero The point is that growth rates are general rather than gospel truthso And this brings us to the first fundamental rule for evaluating securities:
Rule 1: A rational investor should be willing to pay a higher price for a share the larger the growth rate of dividends and earnings.
To this is added an important corollary:
Corollary to Rule 1: A rational investor should be willing to pay a higher price for a share the longer an extraordinary growth rate is expected to last.
Does this rule seem to conform to actual practices? Let's first reformulate the question in terms of price-earnings (PIE)
multiples rather than the market prices themselveso This provides a good yardstick for comparing stocks-which have different prices and earnings-against one anothero A stock selling at $100 per share with earnings of $10 per share would have the same PIE multiple (10) as a stock selling at
$40 with earnings of $4 per shareo It is the PIE multiple, not the dollar price, that really tells you how a stock is valued in the market.
Our reformulated question now reads: Are actual priceearnings multiples higher for stocks for which a high growth
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rate is anticipated? A study by John Cragg and myself strongly indicates that the answer is yes.
It was easy to collect the first half of the data requiredo PIE
multiples are printed daily in papers such as the Wall Street
Journal. To obtain information on expected long-term growth rates, we surveyed eighteen leading investment firms whose business it is to produce the forecasts on which buy and sell recommendations are madeo (I'll describe later how they make these forecastso) Estimates were obtained from each firm of the five-year growth rates anticipated for a large sample of stocks.
I will not bore you with the details of the actual statistical study that was performed 0 The 2006 results are illustrated, however, for a few representative securities in the following chart. It is clear that, just as Rule 1 asserts, high PIE ratios are associated with high expected growth rates.
In addition to demonstrating how the market values different growth rates, the chart can also be used as a practical investment guideo Suppose you were considering the purchase of a
High Expected Long-Term Growth Rates
Push Price-Earnings Multiple Up*
80
10
D 'vi'
Crowth Rate
D Price-Earnings Multiple ,.
:'--
.
I I I I I I
Exxon
IBM
Target
CISCO
Sch]umberger
eBay
Coogle
70
60
50
40
30
20
o
*Data from 2006.
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stock with an anticipated 8 percent growth rate and you knew that, on average, stocks with 8 percent growth sold, like IBM, at
17 times earnings 0 If the stock you were considering sold at a price-earnings multiple of Z5, you might reject the idea of buying the stock in favor of one more reasonably priced in terms of current market normso If, on the other hand, your stock sold at a multiple below the average in the market for that growth rate, the security is said to represent good value for your moneyo
Determinant 2: The expected dividend payout. The amount of dividends you receive at each payout-as contrasted to their growth rate-is readily understandable as being an important factor in determining a stock's priceo The higher the dividend payout, other things being equal, the greater the value of the stocko The catch here is the phrase "other things being equal."
Stocks that payout a high percentage of earnings in dividends may be poor investments if their growth prospects are unfavorableo Conversely, many companies in their most dynamic growth phase often payout little or none of their earnings in dividends 0 Many companies tend to buy back their shares rather than increasing their dividendso For two companies whose expected growth rates are the same, you are better off with the one whose dividend payout is highero
Rule 2: A rational investor should be willing to pay a higher price for a share, other things being equal, the larger the proportion of a company's earnings that is paid out in cash dividends.
Determinant 3: The degree of risk. Risk plays an important role in the stock market, no matter what your overeager broker may tell YOUo There is always a risk-and that's what makes it so fascinatingo Risk also affects the valuation of a stocko Some people think risk is the only aspect of a stock to be examined.
The more respectable a stock is-that is, the less risk it has-the higher its qual it Yo Stocks of the so-called blue-chip companies, for example, are said to deserve a quality premiumo
(Why high-quality stocks are given an appellation derived from the poker tables is a fact known only to Wall Street.) Most investors prefer less risky stocks, and these stocks can therefore
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J
command higher price-earnings multiples than their risky, lowquality counterparts.
Although there is general agreement that the compensation for higher risk must be greater future rewards (and thus lower current prices), measuring risk is well-nigh impossibleo This has not daunted the economist, howevero A great deal of attention has been devoted to risk measurement by both academic economists and practitioners.
According to one well-known theory, the bigger the swings-relative to the market as a whole-in an individual company's stock prices (or in its total yearly returns, including dividends), the greater the risko For example, a nonswinger such as Johnson & Johnson gets the Good Housekeeping seal of approval for "widows and orphanso" That's because its earnings do not decline much if at all during recessions, and its dividend is secureo Therefore, when the market goes down 20
percent, J&J usually trails with perhaps only a 10 percent declineo Thus, the stock qualifies as one with less than aver
. age risko Cisco Systems, on the other hand, has a very volatile past record, and it characteristically falls by 40 percent or more when the market declines by 20 percent. It is called a
"flyer," or an investment that is a "businessman's risko" The investor gambles in owning stock in such a company, particularly if he may be forced to sellout during a time of unfavorable market conditions.
When business is good and the market mounts a sustained upward drive, however, Cisco can be expected to outdistance
J&Jo But if you are like most investors, you value stable returns over speculative hopes, freedom from worry about your portfolio over sleepless nights, and limited loss exposure over the possibility of a downhill roller-coaster rideo You will prefer the more stable security, other things being the sameo This leads to a third basic rule of security valuation:
Rule 3: A rational (and risk-averse) investor should be willing to pay a higher price for a share, other things being equal, the less risky the company's stock.
I should warn the reader that a "relative volatility" measure may not fully capture the relevant risk of a companyo Chapter 9
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will present a thorough discussion of this important risk element in stock valuationo
Determinant 4: The level of market interest rates. The stock market does not exist as a world unto itself. Investors should consider how much profit they can obtain elsewhere. Interest rates, if they are high enough, can offer a stable, profitable alternative to the stock market. Consider periods such as the early
1980s when yields on prime-quality corporate bonds soared to close to 15 percent. Long-term bonds of somewhat lower quality were being offered at even higher interest rates 0 The expected returns from stock prices had trouble matching these bond rates; money flowed into bonds while stock prices fell sharplyo Finally, stock prices reached such a low level that a sufficient number of investors were attracted to stem the decline.
Again in 1987, interest rates rose substantially, preceding the great stock-market crash of October 190 To put it another way, to attract investors from high-yielding bonds, stock must offer bargain-basement prices 0 *
On the other hand, when interest rates are very low, fixedinterest securities provide very little competition for the stock market and stock prices tend to be relatively higho This provides justification for the last basic rule of fundamental analysiso
Rule 4: A rational investor should be willing to pay a higher price for a share, other things being equal, the lower the interest rates.
*The point can be made another way by noting that because higher interest rates enable us to earn more now, any deferred income should be "discounted" more heavily. Thus, the present value of any flow of future dividend returns will be lower when current interest rates are relatively high. The relationship between interest rates and stock prices is somewhat more complicated, however, than this discussion may suggest. Suppose investors expect that the rate of inflation will increase from 5 percent to
10 percent. Such an expectation is likely to drive interest rates up by about 5 percentage points to compensate investors for holding fixed-dollar-obligation bonds whose purchasing power will be adversely affected by greater inflation. Other things being the same, this should make stock prices fall. But with higher expected inflation, investors may reasonably project that corporate earnings and dividends will also increase at a faster rate, causing stock prices to rise. A fuller discussion of inflation, interest rates, and stock prices is contained in chapter 13.
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Three Important Caveats
The four valuation rules imply that a security's firmfoundation value (and its price-earnings multiple) will be higher the larger the company's growth rate and the longer its duration; the larger the dividend payout for the firm; the less risky the company's stock; and the lower the general level of interest rates.
In principle, such rules are very useful in suggesting a rational basis for stock prices and in giving investors some standard of valueo But before we even think of using these rules, we must bear in mind three important caveats.
I
Caveat 1: Expectations about the future cannot be proven in the present. Remember, not even Jeane Dixon could accurately predict all of the futureo Yet some people have absolute faith in security analysts' estimates of the long-term growth prospects of a company and the duration of that growth.
Predicting future earnings and dividends is a most hazardous occupationo It requires not only the knowledge and skill of an economist but also the acumen of a psychologist. On top of that, it is extremely difficult to be objective; wild optimism and extreme pessimism constantly battle for top placeo In 1980, the economy was suffering from severe "stagflation" and an unstable international situationo The best that investors could do that year was to project modest growth rates for most corporationso During the Internet bubble in the late 1990s and early
2000, investors convinced themselves that a new era of high growth and unlimited prosperity was a foregone conclusion.
The point to remember is that no matter what formula you use for predicting the future, it always rests in part on the indeterminate premiseo Although many Wall Streeters claim to see into the future, they are just as fallible as the rest of uSo As
Samuel Goldwyn once said, "Forecasts are difficult to makeparticularly those about the futureo"
Caveat 2: Precise figures cannot be calculated from undetermined data. It stands to reason that you can't obtain precise figures by using indefinite factors 0 Yet to achieve desired ends,
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investors and security analysts do this all the timeo Here's how it's done.
Take a company that you've heard lots of good things about.
You study the company's prospects, and you conclude that it can maintain a high growth rate for a long periodo How long?
Well, why not ten years?
You then calculate what the stock should be "worth" on the basis of the current dividend payout, the expected future growth rate, and the general level of interest rates, perhaps making an allowance for the riskiness of the shareso It turns out to your chagrin that the price the stock is worth is just slightly less than its present market price.
You now have two alternativeso You could regard the stock as overpriced and refuse to buy it, or you could say, "Perhaps this stock could maintain a high growth rate for eleven years rather than teno Mter all, the ten was only a guess in the first place, so why not eleven years?" And so you go back to your computer, and 10 and behold you now come up with a worth for the shares that is larger than the current market priceo Armed with this "precise" knowledge, you make your "sound" purchase.
The reason the game worked is that the longer one projects growth, the greater is the stream of future dividendso Thus, the present value of a share is at the discretion of the calculatoro If eleven years was not enough to do the trick, twelve or thirteen might well have sufficedo There is always some combination of growth rate and growth period that will produce any specific priceo In this sense, it is intrinsically impossible; given human nature, to calculate the intrinsic value of a shareo
10 Peter Williamson, author of Investments, provides an excellent illustration of this problemo He estimated the present or fundamental value of IBM shares by using the same general principle of valuation I have described above-that is, by estimating how fast IBM's dividends would grow and for how long.
At the time IBM was one of the premier growth stocks in the country, Williamson first made the seemingly sensible assumption that IBM would grow at a fairly high rate for some number of years before falling into a much smaller mature growth rate.
When he made his estimate, IBM was selling at a pre-split price of $320 per share.
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I began by forecasting growth in earnings per share at 16%0
This was a little under the average for the previous ten yearso o 0 0 I forecast a 16% growth rate for 10 years, followed by indefinite growth at 0 0 0 2%0 0 0 0 When I put all these numbers into the formula I got an intrinsic value of$172094, about half of the current market valueo
Since the intrinsic value and market value of IBM stock were so far apart, Williamson decided that perhaps his estimates of the future were not accurateo He experimented further:
It doesn't really seem sensible to pr'edict only 10 years of above average growth for IBM, so I extended my 16% growth forecast to 20 yearso Now the intrinsic value came to $432066, well above the market.
Had Williamson opted for thirty years of above-average growth, he would be projecting IBM to generate a future sales volume of about half the then current UoSo national incomeo In fact, we know that IBM stopped growing in the mid-1980s and that it reported some enormous losses in the early 1990s before a vigorous recovery started in 1994 under new management.
The point to remember from such examples is that the mathematical precision of fundamental-value formulas is based on treacherous ground: forecasting the futureo The major fundamentals for these calculations are never known with certainty; they are only relatively crude estimates-perhaps one should say guesses-about what might happen in the future 0
And depending on what guesses you make, you can persuade yourself to pay' any price you want to for a stock.
There is, I believe, a fundamental indeterminateness about the value of common shares even in principleo God Almighty does not know the proper price-earnings multiple for a common stocko
Caveat 3: What's growth for the goose is not always growth for the gander. The difficulty comes with the value the market puts on specific fundamentalso It is always true that the market values growth, and that higher growth rates and larger multiples go hand in hando But the crucial question is: How much more should you pay for higher growth?
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There is no consistent answero In some periods, as in the early 1960s and 1970s, when growth was thought to be especially desirable, the market was willing to pay an enormous price for stocks exhibiting high growth rates 0 At other times, such as the late 1980s and early 1990s, high-growth stocks commanded only a modest premium over the multiples of common stocks in general. By early 2000, the growth stocks making up the NASDAQ 100 Index sold at triple-digit price-earnings multipleso Growth can be as fashionable as tulip bulbs, as investors in growth stocks painfully learned.
From a practical standpoint, the rapid changes in market valuations that have occurred suggest that it would be very dangerous to use anyone year's valuation relationships as an indication of market norms 0 However, by comparing how growth stocks are currently valued with historical precedent, investors should at least be able to isolate those periods when a touch of the tulip bug has smitten investorso
Why Might Fundamental Analysis Fail to Work?
Despite its plausibility and scientific appearance, there are three potential flaws in this type of analysiso First, the information and analysis may be incorrect. Second, the security analyst's estimate of "value" may be fault Yo Third, the market may not correct its "mistake," and the stock price may not converge to its value estimate.
The security analyst traveling from company to company and consulting with industry specialists will receive a great deal of fundamental informationo Some critics have suggested that, taken as a whole, this information will be worthlesso What investors make ,on the valid news (assuming it is not yet recognized by the market) they lose on the bad information 0 Moreover, the analyst wastes considerable effort in collecting the information, and investors pay heavy transactions fees in trying to act on it. To make matters even worse, the security analyst may be unable to translate correct facts into accurate estimates of earnings for several years into the futureo A faulty analysis of valid information could throw estimates of the rate of growth of earnings and dividends far wide of the mark.
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The second problem is that even if the information is correct and its implications for. future growth are properly assessed, the analyst might make a faulty value estimateo The
IBM example shows how difficult it is to translate specific estimates of growth into a single estimate of intrinsic valueo Indeed, attempts to obtain a measure of fundamental value may be an unrewarding search for a will-o'-the-wisp. And, even if the security analyst's estimates of growth are correct, this information may already be reflected accurately by the market, and any difference between a security's price and value may result simply from an incorrect estimate of value.
The final problem is that, even with correct information and value estimates, the stock you buy might still go downo For example, suppose that Biodegradable Bottling Company is selling at 30 times earnings, and the analyst estimates that it can sustain a long-term growth rate of 25 percent. If, on average, stocks with 25 percent anticipated growth rates are selling at 40
times earnings, the fundamentalist might conclude that
Biodegradable was a "cheap" stock and recommend purchase.
But suppose, a few months later, stocks with 25 percent growth rates are selling in the market at only 20 times earnings.
Even if the analyst was absolutely correct in his growth-rate estimate, his customers might not gain, because the market revalued its estimates of what growth stocks in general were worth 0 The market might correct its "mistake" by revaluing all stocks downward, rather than raising the price for Biodegradable Bottling.
Such changes in valuation are not extraordinary-these are the routine fluctuations in market sentiment that were experienced in the past. Not only can the average multiple change rapidly for stocks in general but the market can also dramatically change the premium assigned to growth 0 Clearly, then, one should not take the success of fundamental analysis for granted.
Using Fundamental and Technical Analysis Together
Many analysts use a combination of techniques to judge whether individual stocks are attractive for purchaseo One of
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the most sensible procedures can easily be summarized by the following three ruleso The persistent, patient reader will recognize that the rules are based on principles of stock pricing I
have developed aboveo
Rule 1: Buy only companies that are expected to have aboveaverage earnings growth for five or more years. An extraordinary long-run earnings growth rate is the single most important element contributing to the success of most stock investments. General Electric, Google, and practically all the other really outstanding common stocks of the past were growth stockso Difficult as the job may be, picking stocks whose earnings grow is the name of the gameo Consistent growth not only increases the earnings and dividends of the company but may also increase the multiple that the market is willing to pay for those earnings 0 Thus, the purchaser of a stock whose earnings begin to grow rapidly has a chance at a potential double benefit-both the earnings and the multiple may increaseo
Rule 2: Never pay more for a stock than its firm foundation of value. While I have argued, and I hope persuasively, that you can never judge the exact intrinsic value of a stock, many analysts feel that you can roughly gauge when a stock seems to be reasonably pricedo Generally, the earnings multiple for the market as a whole is a helpful benchmarko Growth stocks selling at multiples in line with or not very much above this multiple often represent good value.
There are important advantages to buying growth stocks at very reasonable earnings multipleso If your growth estimate turns out to be correct, you may get the double bonus I mentioned in connection with Rule 1: The price will tend to go up simply because the earnings went up, but also the multiple is likely to expand in recognition of the growth rate that is establishedo Hence, the double bonuso Suppose, for example, you buy a stock earning $1 per share and selling at $70500 If the earnings grow to $2 per share and if the price-earnings multiple increases from 7Y2 to 15 (in recognition that the company now can be considered a growth stock), you don't just double your money-you quadruple it. That's because your $7050 stock will be worth $30 (15, the multiple, times $2, the earnings).
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Now consider the other side of the coino There are special risks involved in buying "growth stocks" when the market has already recognized the growth and has bid up the price-earnings multiple to a hefty premium over that accorded more run-of-themill stocks 0 The problem is that the very high multiples may already fully reflect the growth that is anticipated, and if the growth does not materialze and earnings in fact go down (or even grow more slowly than expected), you will take a very unpleasant bath 0 The double benefits that are possible if the earnings of low-multiple stocks grow can become double damages if the earnings of high-multiple stocks declineo When earnings fall, the multiple is likely to crash as well. But the crash won'.t be so loud if the multiple wasn't that high in the first place.
What is proposed, then, is a strategy of buying unrecognized growth stocks whose earnings multiples are not at any substantial premium over the market. Of course, it is very hard to predict growtho But even if the growth does not materialize and earnings decline, the damage is likely to be only single if the multiple is low to begin with, whereas the benefits may double if things do turn out as you expectedo This is an extra way to put the odds in your favor.
Peter Lynch, the very successful but now retired manager of the Magellan Fund, used this technique to great advantage during the fund's early years 0 Lynch calculated each potential stock's growth-to-PIE ratio and would buy for his portfolio only those stocks with high growth relative to their P/Eso This was not simply a low PIE strategy, because a stock with a 50 percent growth rate and a PIE of 25 (growth-to-PIE ratio of 2) was deemed far better than a stock with 20 percent growth and a PIE
of 20 (growth-to-PIE ratio of 1)0 If one is correct in one's growth projections, and for a while Lynch was, this strategy can proquce eye-popping returns.
We can summarize the discussion thus far by restating the first two rules: Look for growth situations with low priceearnings multipleso If the growth takes place, there's often a double bonus-both the earnings and the multiple rise, producing large gain so Beware of very high multiple stocks in which future growth is already discountedo If growth doesn't materialize, losses are doubly heavy-both the earnings and the multiples dropo
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Rule 3: Look for stocks whose stories of anticipated growth are of the kind on which investors can build castles in the ail:
I have stressed the importance of psychological elements in stock-price determinationo Individual and institutional investors are not computers that calculate warranted priceearnings multiples and print out buy and sell decisionso They are emotional human beings-driven by greed, gambling instincts, hope, and fear in their stock-market decisionso This is why successful investing demands both intellectual and psychological acuteness.
Stocks that produce "good feelings" in the minds of investors can sell at premium multiples for long periods, even if the growth rate is only averageo Those not so blessed may sell at low multiples for long periods, even if their growth rate is above averageo To be sure, if a growth rate appears to be established, the stoc'k is almost certain to attract some type of followingo The market is not irrational. But stocks are like people-what stimulates one may leave another cold, and the multiple improvement may be smaller and slower to be realized if the story never catches on.
So Rule 3 says to ask yourself whether the story about your stock is one that is likely to catch the fancy of the crowdo Is it a story from which contagious dreams can be generated? Is it a story on which investors can build castles in the air-but castles in the air that really rest on a firm foundation?
You don't have to be a technician to follow Rule 30 You might simply use your intuition or speculative sense to judge whether the "story" on your stock is likely to catch the fancy of the crowd-particularly the notice of institutional investors 0
Technical analysts, however, would look for some tangible evidence before they could be convinced that the investment idea was, in fact, catching on. This tangible evidence is, of course, the beginning of an uptrend or a technical signal that could
"reliably" predict that an uptrend would develop.
Although the rules I have outlined seem sensible, the important question is whether they really worko Mter all, lots of other people are playing the game, and it is by no means obvious that anyone can win consistently.
In the next two chapters, I shall look at the actual record.
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Chapter 6 will consider the question: Does technical analysis work? Chapter 7 looks at the performance record of fundamentalists. Together they should help us evaluate how well professional investment people do their job and how much confidence we should have in their advice.
6
Technical Analysis and the
Random-Walk Theory
Things are seldom what they seem.
Skim milk masquerades as creaffio
-Gilbert and Sullivan, H.M.S. Pinafore
N ot earnings, nor dividends, nor risk, nor gloom of high interest rates stay the chartists from their assigned task: studying the price movements of stockso Such single-minded devotion to numbers has yielded the most colorful theories and folk language of Wall Street: "Hold the winners, sell the losers," "Switch into the strong stocks," "Sell this issue, it's acting poorly," "Don't fight the tapeo" All are popular prescriptions of technical analysts as they cheerfully collect their brokerage fees for churning your account.
Technical analysts build their strategies upon dreams of castles in the air and expect their tools to tell them which castle is being built and how to get in on the ground flooro The question is: Do they work?
Holes in Their Shoes and Ambiguity in Their Forecasts
University professors are sometimes asked by their students, "If you're so smart, why aren't you rich?" The question usually rankles professors, who think of themselves as passing up worldly riches to engage in such an obviously socially use
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ful occupation as teachingo The same question might more appropriately be addressed to technicians 0 Since the whole point of technical analysis is to make money, one would reasonably expect that those who preach it should practice it successfully.
On close examination, technicians are often seen with holes in their shoes and frayed shirt collarso I personally have never known a successful technician, but I have seen the wrecks of several unsuccessful oneso Curiously, however, the broke technician is never apologetico If you commit the social error of asking him why he is broke, he will tell you quite ingenuously that he made the all-too-human error of not believing his own charts 0 To my great embarrassment, I once choked conspicuously at the dinner table of a chartist friend of mine when he made such a comment. I have since made it a rule never to eat with a chartist. It's bad for digestion.
Although technicians might not get rich following their own advice, their store of words is precious indeedo Consider this advice offered by one technical service:
The market's rise after a period ofreaccumulation is a bullish sign. Nevertheless, fulcrum characteristics are not yet clearly present and a resistance area exists 40 points higher in the
Dow, so it is clearly premature to say the next leg of the bull market is upo If, in the coming weeks, a test of the lows holds and the market breaks out of its flag, a further rise would be indicatedo Should the lows be violated, a continuation of the intermediate term downtrend is called foro In view of the current situation, it is a distinct possibility that traders will sit in the wings awaiting a clearer delineation of the trend and the market will move in a narrow trading range.
If you ask me exactly what all this means, I'm afraid I cannot tell you, but I think the technician probably had the following in mind: "If the market does not go up or go down, it will remain unchangedo" Even the weather forecaster can do better than that.
Obviously, I'm biased against the chartist. This is not only a personal bias but a professional one as well. Technical analysis is anathema to the academic worldo We love to pick on it.
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Our bullying tactics are prompted by two considerations: (1)
after paying transactions costs, the method does not do better than a buy-and-hold strategy for investors; and (2) it's easy to pick ono And while it may seem a bit unfair to pick on such a sorry target, just remember: It's your money we are trying to save.
Although the advent of the computer perhaps enhanced the standing of the technician for a time, and while charting services are widely available on the Internet, technology has ultimately proved to be the technician's undoingo Just as fast as he
(or she) creates charts to show where the market is going, the academic gets busy constructing charts showing where the technician has beeno Because it's so easy to test all the technical trading rules on the computer, it has become a favorite pastime for academics to see whether they really worko
Is There Momentum in the Stock Market?
The technician believes that knowledge of a stock's past behavior can help predict its probable future behavioro In other words, the sequence of price changes before any given day is important in predicting the price change for that dayo This might be called "the wallpaper principleo" The technical analyst tries to predict future stock prices just as we might predict that the pattern of wallpaper behind the mirror is the same as the pattern above the mirroro The basic premise is that there are repeatable patterns in space and time.
Chartists believe momentum exists in the market. Supposedly, stocks that have been rising will continue to do so, and those that begin falling will go on sinkingo Investors should therefore buy stocks that start rising and continue to hold their strong stockso Should the stock begin to fall or "act poorly,"
investors are advised to sell.
These technical rules have been tested exhaustively by using stock-price data on both major exchanges going back as far as the beginning of the twentieth centuryo The results reveal that past movements in stock prices cannot be used reliably to foretell future movementso The stock market has little, if any, memory. While the market does exhibit some momentum from
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time to time, it does not occur dependably and there is not enough persistence in stock prices to overwhelm the substantial transactions costs involved in undertaking trend-following strategies 0
One simple set of tests compares the price change for a stock in a given period with the price change in a subsequent periodo For example, technical lore has it that if the price of a stock rose yesterday it is more likely to rise todayo It turns out that the correlation of past price movements with present and future price movements is slightly positive but very close to zeroo Last week's price change bears little relationship to the price change this week, and so forth 0 Whatever slight dependencies have been found between stock-price movements in different, time periods are extremely small and economically insignificant. Although there is some short-term momentum in the stock market, as will be described more fully in chapter 11, any investor who pays transactions costs cannot benefit from it.
Economists have also examined the technician's thesis that there are often sequences of price changes in the same direction over several days (or several weeks or months) 0 Stocks are likened to fullbacks who, once having gained some momentum, can be expected to carryon for a long gaino It turns out that this is simply not the caseo Sometimes one gets positive price changes (rising prices) for several days in a row; but sometimes when you are flipping a fair coin you also get a long string of "heads" in a row, and you get sequences of positive (or negative) price changes no more frequently than you can expect random sequences of heads or tails in a rowo What are often called "persistent patterns" in the stock market occur no more frequently than the runs of luck in the fortunes of any gamblero This is what economists mean when they say that stock prices behave very much like a random walko
Just What Exactly Is a Random Walk?
To many people this appears to be errant nonsenseo Even the most casual reader of the financial pages can easily spot patterns in the market. For example, look at the stock chart on the following pageo
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The chart seems to display obvious patternso Mter an initial rise the stock turned down, and then headed persistently downhill. Later, the decline was arrested and the stock had another sustained upward moveo One cannot look at a stock chart like this without noticing the self-evidence of these statementso How can the economist be so myopic that he cannot see what is so plainly visible to the naked eye?
The persistence of this belief in repetitive stock-market patterns is due to statistical illusiono To illustrate, let me describe an experiment in which I asked my students to participateo The students were asked to construct a stock chart showing the movements of a hypothetical stock initially selling at $50. For each successive trading day, the closing stock price would be determined by the flip of a coino If the toss was a head, the students assumed that the stock closed point higher than the preceding closeo If the flip was a tail, the price was assumed to be down by o The chart below is the hypothetical stock chart derived from one of these experiments.
The chart derived from random coin tossings looks remarkably like a normal stock price chart and even appears to display cycleso Of course, the pronounced "cycles" that we seem to observe in coin tossings do not occur at regular inter
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vals as true cycles do, but neither do the ups and downs in the stock market.
It is this lack of regularity that is crucial. The "cycles" in the stock charts are no more true cycles than the runs of luck or misfortune of the ordinary gamblero And the fact that stocks seem to be in an uptrend, which looks just like the upward move in some earlier period, provides no useful information on the dependability or duration of the current uptrendo Yes, history does tend to repeat itself in the stock market, but in an infinitely surprising variety of ways that confound any attempts to profit from a knowledge of past price patterns.
In other simulated stock charts derived from student cointossings, there were head-and-shoulders formations, triple tops and bottoms, and other more esoteric chart patternso One chart showed a beautiful upward breakout from an inverted head and shoulders (a very bullish formation) 0 I showed it to a chartist friend of mine who practically jumped out of his skino
"What is this company?" he exclaimedo "We've got to buy immediatelyo This pattern's a classico There's no question the stock will be up 15 points next weeko" He did not respond kindly when I told him the chart had been produced by flipping a coino Chartists have no sense of humoro I got my comeuppance when BusinessWeek hired a technician adept at hatchet work, to review the first edition of this book.
My students used a completely random process to produce their stock chartso With each toss, as long as the coins used were fair, there was a 50 percent chance of heads, implying an upward move in the price of the stock, and a 50 percent chance of tails and a downward moveo Even if they flipped ten heads in a row, the chance of getting a head on the next toss was still 50 percent. Mathematicians call a sequence of numbers produced by a random process (such as those on our simulated stock chart) a random walko The next move on the chart is completely unpredictable on the basis of what has happened before.
To a mathematician, the sequence of numbers recorded on a stock chart behaves no differently from that in the simulated stock charts-with one clear exceptiono There is a long-run uptrend in most averages of stock prices in line with the long
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How THE PROS PLAY THE GAME
run growth of earnings and dividendso After adjusting for this trend, there is very little differenceo The next move in a series of stock prices is largely unpredictable on the basis of past price behavioro No matter what wiggle or wobble the prices have made in the past, tomorrow starts out roughly fifty-fiftyo The next price change is no more predictable than the flip of a coin.
In fact, the stock market does not quite measure up to the mathematician's ideal of the complete independence of present price movements from those in the past. Some small dependencies exist, as will be explained more fully in chapter 110 The market is not a perfect random walko But any systematic relationships that exist are so small that they are not useful. The transactions charges involved in trying to take advantage of these dependencies are far greater than any profits that might be obtainedo Thus, an accurate statement of the "weak" form of the random-walk hypothesis goes as follows:
The history of stock price movements contains no useful information that will enable an investor consistently to outperform a buy-and-hold strategy in managing a portfolioo
If the weak form of the random-walk hypothesis is valid, then, as my colleague Richard Quandt says, "Technical analysis is akin to astrology and every bit as scientifico"
I am not saying that technical strategies never make money.
They very often do make profits. The point is rather that a simple buy-and-hold strategy (that is, buying a stock or group of stocks and holding on for a long period of time) typically makes as much or more money.
When scientists want to test the efficacy of some new drug, they usually run an experiment in which two groups of patients are administered pills-one containing the drug in question, the other a worthless placebo (a sugar pill).
The results of the administration to the two groups are compared, and the drug is deemed effective only if the group receiving the drug did better than the group getting the placeboo Obviously, if both groups got better in the same period of time, the drug should not be given the credit, even if the patients did recover.
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In the stock-market experiments, the placebo with which the technical strategies are compared is the buy-and-hold strategyo Technical schemes often do make profits for their users, but so does a buy-and-hold strategyo Indeed, as we shall see later, a simple buy-and-hold strategy using a portfolio consisting of all the stocks in a broad stock-market index has provided investors with an average annual rate of return of over 10 percent over the past eighty yearso Only if technical schemes produce better returns than the market can they be judged effectiveo To date, none has consistently passed the test.
Some More Elaborate Technical Systems
Devotees of technical analysis may argue with some justification that I have been unfairo The simple tests I have just described do not do justice to the "richness" of technical analysiso Unfortunately for the technician, even more elaborate trading rules have been subjected to scientific testingo' Let's examine a few popular ones in detail.
The Filter System
Under the popular "filter" system, a stock that has reached a low and has moved up, say 5 percent (or any other percent you wish to name), is said to be in an uptrendo A stock that has.
moved down 5 percent from a peak is said to be in a downtrend.
You're supposed to buy any stock that has moved up 5 percent from its low and hold it until the price moves down 5
percent from a subsequent high, at which time you sell and, perhaps, even sell short. The short position is maintained until the price rises at least 5 percent from a subsequent low.
This scheme is very popular with brokerso Indeed, the filter method lies behind the popular "stop-loss" order favored by brokers, where the client is advised to sell his stock if it falls 5
percent below his purchase price to "limit his potentiallosseso"
The argument is that presumably a stock that falls by 5 percent will be going into a downtrend.
Exhaustive testing of various filter ruJes has been undertakeno The percentage drop or rise that filters out buy and sell candidates has been allowed to vary from 1 percent to 50 per
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How THE PROS PLAY THE GAlvIE
cent. The tests covered different time periods and involved individual stocks as well as stock indexes 0 The results are remarkably consistent. When the higher transactions charges incurred under the filter rules are taken into consideration, these techniques cannot consistently beat a policy of simply buying the individual stock (or the stock index) and holding it over the period during which the test is performedo The individual investor would do well to avoid using any filter rule and, I
might add, any broker who recommends it.
The Dow Theory
The Dow theory is a great tug-of-war between resistance and support. When the market tops out and moves down, that previous peak defines a resistance area, because people who missed selling at the top will be anxious to do so if given another opportunityo If the market then rises again and nears the previous peak, it is said to be "testing" the resistance area.
Now comes the moment of trutho If the market breaks through the resistance area, it is likely to keep going up for a while and the previous resistance area becomes a support areao If, on the other hand, the market "fails to penetrate the resistance area"
and instead falls through the preceding low where there was previous support, a bear-market signal is given and the investor is advised to sell.
The basic Dow principle implies a strategy of buying when the market goes higher than the last peak and selling when it sinks through the preceding valleyo There are various wrinkles to the theory, but the basic idea is part of the gospel of charting.
Unhappily, the signals generated by the Dow mechanism have no significance for predicting future price movements 0
The market's performance after sell signals is no different from its performance after buy signalso Relative to simply buying and holding the representative list of stocks in the market averages, the Dow follower actually comes out a little behind, because the strategy entails a number of extra brokerage costs as the investor buys and sells when the strategy decrees.
The Relative-Strength System
In the relative-strength system, an investor buys and holds those stocks that are acting well, that is, outperforming the gen
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eral market indiceso Conversely, the stocks that are acting poorly relative to the market should be avoided or, perhaps, even sold short. While there do seem to be some time periods when a relative-strength strategy would have outperformed a buy-and-hold strategy, there is no evidence that it can do so consistentlyo As indicated earlier, there is some evidence of momentum in the stock market. Nevertheless, a computer test of relative-strength rules over a twenty-five-year period suggests that such rules are not, after accounting for transactions charges, useful for investors.
Price-Volume Systems
Price-volume systems suggest that when a stock (or the general market) rises on large or increasing volume, there is an unsatisfied excess of buying interest and the stock will continue its riseo Conversely, when a stock drops on large volume, selling pressure is indicated and a sell signal is given.
Again, the investor following such a system is likely to be disappointed in the resultso The buy and sell signals generated by the strategy contain no information useful for predicting future price movementso As with all technical strategies, however, the investor is obliged to do a great deal of in-and-out trading, and thus his transactions costs are far in excess of those necessitated in a buy-and-hold strategyo After accounting for these trading charges, the investor does worse than he would by simply buying and holding a diversified group of stocks.
Reading Chart Patterns
Perhaps some of the more complicated chart patterns, such as those described in the preceding chapter, are able to reveal the future course of stock priceso For example, is the downward penetration of a head-and-shoulders formation a reliable bearish omen? As one of the gospels of charting, Technical Analysis, puts it, "One does not bring instantly to a stop a heavy car moving at seventy miles per hour and, all within the same split second, turn it around and get it moving back down the road in the opposite directiono" Before the stock turns around, its price movements are supposed to form one of a number of extensive reversal patterns as the smart-money traders slowly "distribute"
their shares to the "publico" Of course, we know some stocks do
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reverse directions in quite a hurry (this is called an "unfortunate
V formation"), but perhaps some chart configurations can, like the Roman soothsayers, accurately foretell the futureo Alas, the computer has even tested these more arcane charting techniques, and the technician's tool (magician's wand) has again betrayed him.
In one elaborate study, the computer was programmed to draw charts for 548 stocks traded on the New York Stock
Exchange over a five-year periodo It was instructed to scan all the charts and identify anyone of thirty-two of the most popularly followed chart patternso The computer was told to be on the lookout for heads and shoulders, triple tops and bottoms, channels, wedges, diamonds, and so forth 0 Because the machine is a very thorough (though rather dull) worker, we can be sure that it did not miss any significant chart patterns.
When the machine found that one of the bearish chart patterns such as a head and shoulders was followed by a downward move through the neckline toward decolletage (a most bearish omen), it recorded a sell signal. If, on the other hand, a triple bottom was followed by an upside breakout (a most favorable augury), a buy signal was recordedo The computer then followed the performance of the stocks for which buy and sell signals were given and compared them with the performance record of the general market.
Again, there seemed to be no relationship between the technical signal and subsequent performance 0 If you had bought only those stocks with buy signals, and sold on a sell signal, your performance after transactions costs would have been no better than that achieved with a buy-and-hold strategy.
Randomness Is Hard to Accept
Human nature likes order; people find it hard to accept the notion of randomnesso No matter what the laws of chance might tell us, we search for patterns among random events wherever they might occur-not only in the stock market but even in interpreting sporting phenomena.
In describing an outstanding performance by a basketball player, reporters and spectators commonly use expressions such as "LeBron James has the hot hand" or "Kobe Bryant is a
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streak shootero" Those who play, coach, or follow basketball are almost universally convinced that if a player has successfully made his last shot, or last few shots, he is more likely to make his next shot. A study by a group of psychologists, however, suggests that the "hot hand" phenomenon is a my th.
The psychologists did a detailed study of every shot taken by the Philadelphia 76ers over a full season and a halfo They found no evidence of any positive correlation between the outcomes of successive shotso Indeed, they found that a hit by a player followed by a miss was actually a bit likelier than the case of making two baskets in a rowo Moreover, the researchers looked at sequences of more than two shotso Again, they found that the number of long streaks (that is, hitting of several baskets in a row) was no greater than could have been expected in a random set of data (such as flipping coins in which every event was independent of its predecessor) 0 Although the event of making one's last two or three shots clearly influenced the player's perception of whether he would make his next shot, the hard evidence was that there was no effect. The researchers then confirmed their study by examining the freethrow records of the Boston Celtics and by conducting controlled shooting experiments with the men and women of the
Cornell University varsity basketball teamso The outcomes of previous shots influenced players' predictions but not their performance 0
These findings do not imply that basketball is a game of chance rather than skill. Obviously there are some players who are more adept at making baskets and free throws than others.
The point is, however, that the probability of making a shot is independent of the outcome of previous shots 0 The psychologists conjecture that the persistent belief in the hot hand could be due to memory biaso If long sequences of hits or misses are more memorable than alternating sequences, observers are likely to overestimate the correlation between successive shots.
When events sometimes do come in clusters and streaks, people look for explanations and patternso They refuse to believe that they are random, even though such clusters and streaks do occur frequently in random data such as are derived from the tossing of a coino So it is in the stock market as well.
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A Gaggle of Other Technical Theories to Help
You Lose Money
Once the academic world polished off most of the standard technical trading rules, it turned its august attention toward some of the more fanciful schemeso The world of financial analysis would be much quieter and duller without the chartists, as the following techniques amply demonstrate.
The Hemline Indicator
Not content with price movements, some technical analysts have broadened their investigations to include other movements as well. One of the most carming of these schemes has been called by the author Ira Cobleigh the "bull markets and bare knees" theoryo Check the hemlines of women's dresses in any given year, and you'll have an idea of the direction of stock priceso The following chart suggests a loose tendency for bull markets to be associated with bare knees and depressed markets to be associated with bear markets for girl watchers.
For example, in the late nineteenth century and early part of the twentieth, the stock market was rather dull, and so were hemlineso But then came rising hemlines and the great bull market of the 1920s, to be followed by long skirts and the crash of the 1930so (Actually, the chart cheats a bit: hemlines fell in
1927, before the most dynamic phase of the bull market.)
Things did not work out as well in the post-World War II
periodo The market declined sharply during the summer of
1946, well in advance of the introduction of the "New Look"
featuring longer skirts in 19470 Similarly, the sharp stockmarket decline that began at the end of 1968 preceded the introduction of the midiskirt, which was high fashion in 1969
and especially in 19700
How did the theory work out during the crash of 19871 You might think the hemline indicator failedo After all, in the spring of 1987, when designers began shipping their fall lines, very short skirts were decreed as the fashion for the timeo But along about the beginning of October, when the first chill winds began blowing across the country, a strange thing happened:
Most women decided that miniskirts were not for themo As women went back to long skirts, designers quickly followed
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suit. "Short skirts now look ridiculous to me," declared Bill
Blasso The rest is stock-mket history.
And how about the severe bear market of the early 2000s?
Unfortunately, you guessed it, Capri pants became the fashion at the turn of the century, and women business leaders such as
Hewlett-Packard's former CEO Carly Fiorina always appeared in pants suitso Now we know the real culprit for the punishing bec;lr market of the early 2000s.
Even though there does seem to be some evidence in favor of the theory, don't be too optimistic about expecting the hemline indicator to give you a leg up on market timingo No longer are women imprisoned by the tyranny of hemlineso As Vogue put it, you can now dress like a man or woman, and all hemline lengths are now okayo I'm afraid this stock-market theory has undoubtedly outlived its usefulness.
The Super Bowl Indicator
Why did the market go up in 2003? That's easy to answer for a technical analyst who uses the Super Bowl indicatoro The
Super Bowl indicator forecasts how the stock market will perform on the basis of which team wins the Super Bowl. A victory by an NFC team such as the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in
2003 predicts a bull market in stocks, whereas a victory by an
AFC team is bad news for stock-market investorso In 2002 the
New England Patriots (AFC team) defeated the Saint Louis
Rams (NFC), and the market responded correctly by falling sharplyo While the indicator sometimes fails, it has been correct far more often than it has been wrongo Naturally, it makes no senseo The results of the Super Bowl indicator simply illustrate nothing more than the fact that it's sometimes possible to correlate two completely unrelated eventso Indeed, Mark Hulbert reports that the stock-market researcher David Leinweber found that the indicator most closely correlated with the S&P
500 Index is the volume of butter production in Bangladesh.
The Odd-Lot Theory
The odd-lot theory holds that except for the investor who is always right, no one can contribute more to a successful investment strategy than an invest'or who is invariably wrongo The
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"odd-lotter," according to popular superstition, is that kind of persono Thus, success is assured by buying when the odd-Iotter sells and selling when the odd-Iotter buys.
Odd-lotters are the people who trade stocks in less than tOO-share lots (called round lots)o Many amateurs in the stock market cannot afford the $5,000 investment to buy a round lot
(100 shares) of stock selling at $50 a shareo They are more likely to buy, say, ten shares for a more modest investment of $5000
By examining the ratio of odd-lot purchases (the number of shares these amateurs bought during a particular day) to oddlot sales (the number of shares they sold) and by looking at what particular stocks odd-lotters buy and sell, one can supposedly make moneyo These uninformed amateurs, presumably acting solely out of emotion and not with professional insight, are lambs in the street being led to slaughtero They are, according to legend, invariably wrong.
It turns out that the odd-lotter isn't such a stupendous dodo after all. A little stupid? Maybeo There is some indication that the performance of odd-lotters might be slightly worse than the stock averageso However, the available evidence indicates that knowledge of odd-lotters' actions is not useful for the formulation of investment strategies.
A Few More Systems
To continue this review of technical schemes would soon generate rapidly diminishing returnso Probably few people seriously believe that the sunspot theory of stock-market movements can make money for themo But do you believe that by following the ratio of advancing to declining stocks on the New
York Stock Exchange you can find a reliable leading indicator of general stock-market peaks? A careful computer study says noo Do you think that a rise in short interest (the number of shares of a stock sold short) is a bullish signal (because eventually the stock will be repurchased by the short seller to cover his or her position)? Exhaustive testing indicates no relationship either'for the stock market as a whole or for individual issueso Do you think that a moving-average system as espoused by some of the financial television networks (for example, buy a stock if its price goes higher than its average price over the
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past 200 days and sell it if it goes below the average) can lead you to extraordinary stock-market profits? Not if you have to pay transactions charges-to buy and sell!
Technical Market Gurus
Technicians may not make accurate predictions, but they certainly are colorful. During the 1980s, for example, the most influential market guru was a young man named Robert
Prechtero Prechter became interested in the parallels between social psychology and the stock market while a Yale undergraduateo Mter college, Prechter spent four years playing drums in a rock band, after which he joined Merrill Lynch as a junior technical analyst. There Prechter stumbled on the work of an obscure accountant, Ro No Elliott, who had devised an arcane theory which he modestly entitled the Elliott wave theory.
Elliott's premise was that there were predictable waves of investor psychology and that they steered the market with natural ebbs and flows 0 By watching them, Elliott believed, one could call major shifts in the market. Prechter was so excited about this discovery that he quit Merrill Lynch in 1979 to write an investor newsletter from the unlikely location of Gainesville,
Georgia.
Prechter's initial predictions were uncannily accurate.
Early in the 1980s, he predicted a major bull market with the
Dow expected to rise to the 3,600 level after an interim stop at
2,700. Prechter was the golden knight of the day by keeping his followers fully invested through October 19870
Tarnish set in after October 19870 To Prechter's credit, he did say that there was "a 50/50 risk of a 10% decline" in the market on October 5, 1987, when the Dow was still selling above the 2,600 level, and he advised traders and investors with a short-term outlook to sell. Institutional investors were advised, however, to hang on for the ultimate target of 3,686 in the Dowo Mter the crash, with the Dow near 2,000, Prechter turned bearish for the long term and recommended holding
Treasury bilso He predicted that "the great bull market is probably over" and that by the early 1990s the Dow Jones Industrial
Average would plunge below 4000 By not advising repurchase,
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Prechter missed out on the entire bull market of the 1990so This was a mortal wound for a golden guruo Prechter remained a consistent bear, however, and did gain some renewed following during the market's meltdown of the early 200080 This only proves that if one keeps predicting a market decline (or rise)
one is bound to be correct at some time.
Prechter was succeeded by Elaine Garzarelli, then an executive vice president of the investment firm of Lehman Brotherso Garzarelli was not a one-indicator womano She plunged into the ocean of financial data and used thirteen different indicators to predict the course of the market. Garzarelli always liked to study vital detailso As a child, she would get animal organs from the local butcher and dissect them.
Garzarelli was the Roger Babson of the 1987 crasho Thrning bearish in August, she was recommending by September 1 that her clients get completely out of the stock marketo By October
11, she was almost certain that a crash was imminent. Two days later, in a forecast almost frighteningly prescient, she told
USA Today that a drop of more than 500 points in the Dow
Jones averages was comingo Within a week, her predictions were realized.
But the crash was Garzarelli's last hurraho Just as the media were coronating her as the "Guru of Black Monday" and adulatory articles appeared in magazines ranging from Cosmopolitan to Fortune, she drowned in her prescience-or her notoriety.
Mter the crash, she said she wouldn't touch the market and predicted that the Dow would fall another 200 to 400 points.
Thus, Garzarelli missed the bounce-back in the market. Moreover, those who put money in her hands were sadly disappointedo The mutual fund that was launched in the summer of
1987 to capitalize on her fame and talent had a terrific start.
From 1988 on, however, she badly underperformed the market each year until she left the management of the fund in 19940 In explaining her lack of consistency, she gave the time-honored explanation of technicians: "I failed to believe my own chartso"
Later in 1994, Garzarelli and Lehman parted company.
Perhaps the most colorful investment gurus of the ,mid
1990s were the homespun, grandmotherly (median age seventy) Beardstown Ladieso Called by publicists "the greatest investment minds of our generation," these celebrity grannies
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cooked up profits and hype, selling more than a million books and appearing frequently on national television shows and in weekly magazines 0 They mixed explanations of tl:teir investment success ("heartland" virtues of hard work and churchgoing) with yummy cooking recipes (such as stock-market muffins-guaranteed to rise) 0 In their best-selling 1995 book,
The Beardstown Ladies Common-Sense Investment Guide, they claimed that their investment returns were 2309 percent per year over the preceding decade, far eclipsing the 1409 annual percent return of the S&P 500 indexo They suggested that ordinary folks could do just as well following their adviceo What a great story: Little old midwestern ladies using common sense could beat the pants off the overpaid investment pros of Wall
Street and could even put index funds to shame.
Unfortunately, the ladies were discovered to be cooking the books as well. Apparently, members of the Beardstown group were counting their investment club dues as part of their stockmarket profits 0 The accounting firm Price Waterhouse was called in, and it calculated the ladies' true investment return over the decade to be 901 percent per year-almost 6 points below the overall market. So much for getting rich by worshiping investment idols.
The moral to the story is obvious 0 With large numbers of technicians predicting the market, there will always be some who have called the last turn or even the last few turns, but none will be consistently accurate 0 To paraphrase the biblical warning, "He who looks back at the predictions of market gurus dies of remorseo"
Why Are Technicians Still Hired?
It seems very clear that under scientific scrutiny chart reading must share a pedestal with alchemyo There has been a remarkable uniformity in the conclusions of studies done on all forms of technical analysiso Not one has consistently outperformed the placebo of a buy-and-hold strategyo Technical methods cannot be used to make useful investment strategieso This is the fundamental conclusion of the random-walk theory.
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A former colleague of mine believed that the capitalist system would weed out all useless growths such as the flourishing technicianso "The days of these modern-day soothsayers on Wall Street are numbered," he would sayo "Brokers will soon learn they can easily do without the technicians' serviceso" The chartist's durability suggests that the capitalist system may garden like most of the rest of uSo We like to see our best plants grow, but, as summer wears on, the weeds often get the best of uS.
The point is, the technicians often play an important role in the greening of the brokers 0 Chartists recommend tradesalmost every technical system involves some degree of in-andout tradingo Trading generates commissions, and commissions are the lifeblood of the brokerage businesso The technicians do not help produce yachts for the C1.lstomers, but they do help generate the trading that provides yachts for the brokerso Until the public catches on to this bit of trickery, technicians will continue to flourisho
Appraising the Counterattack
As you might imagine, the random-walk theory's dismissal of charting is not altogether popular among technicianso Academic proponents of the theory are greeted in some Wall Street quarters with as much enthusiasm as former Enron chairman
Jeff Skilling addressing the Better Business Bureauo Technical analysts consider the theory "just plain academic drivel." Let us pause, then, and appraise the counterattack by beleaguered technicians 0
Perhaps the most common complaint about the weakness of the random-walk theory is based on a distrust of mathematics and a misconception of what the theory meanso "The market isn't random," the complaint goes, "and no mathematician is going to convince me it iso" Even so astute a commentator on the Wall Street scene as 'i\dam Smith" displays this misconception when he writes, "I suspect that even if the random walkers announced a perfect mathematical proof of randomness I
would go on believing that in the long run future earnings
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influence present value, and that in the short run the dominant factor is the temper of the crowdo"
Of course, earnings and dividends influence market prices, and so does the temper of the crowdo We saw ample evidence of this in earlier chapters of the booko But, even if markets were dominated during certain periods by irrational crowd behavior, the stock market might still well be approximated by a random walko The original illustrative analogy of a random walk concerned a drunken man staggering around an empty fieldo He is not rational, but he's not predictable either.
Moreover, new fundamental information about a company
(a big mineral strike, the death of the president, etco) is also unpredictableo It will occur randomly over timeo Indeed, successive appearances of news items must be randomo If an item of news were not random, that is, if it were depeD.denl on an earlier item of news, then it wouldn't be news at all. The weak form of the random-walk theory says only that stock prices cannot be predicted on the basis of past stock priceso Thus, criticisms of the type quoted above are not valid.
The technical analyst will also cite chapter and verse that the academic world has certainly not tested every technical scheme that has been devisedo That is quite correct. No economist or mathematician, however skillful, can prove conclusively that technical methods can never worko All that can be said is that the small amount of information contained in stockmarket pricing patterns has not been shown to be sufficient to overcome the transactions costs involved in acting on that informationo Consequently, I have received a flood of letters condemning me for not mentioning, in my earlier editions of this book, a pet technical scheme that the writer is convinced actually works.
Being somewhat incautious, I will climb out on a limb and argue that no technical scheme whatever could work for any length of timeo I suggest first that methods that people are convinced "really work" have not been adequately tested; and second, that even if they did work, the schemes would be bound to destroy themselves.
Each year a number of eager people visit the gambling parlors of Las Vegas and Atlantic City and examine the last several hundred numbers of the roulette wheel in search of some
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repeating patterno Usually they find oneo And so they stay until they lose everything because they do not retest the patterno *
The same thing is true for technicians.
If you examine past stock prices in any given period, you can almost always find some kind of system that would have worked in a given periodo If enough different criteria for selecting stocks are tried, one will eventually be found that selects the best ones of that period.
Let me illustrateo Suppose we examine the record of stock prices and volume over the five-year period of 2002 through
2006 in search of technical trading rules that would have worked during that periodo Mter the fact, it is always possible to find a technical rule that workso For example, it might be that you should have bought all stocks whose names began with the letters X or D, whose volume was at least 80,000 shares a day, and whose earnings grew at a rate of 10 percent or more during the preceding five-year periodo The point is that it is obviously possible to describe, after the fact, which categories of stocks had the best performance 0 The real problem is, of course, whether the scheme works in a different time periodo What most advocates of technical analysis usually fail to do is to test their schemes with market data derived from periods other than those during which the scheme was developed.
Even if the technician follows my advice, tests his scheme in many different time periods, and finds it a reliable predictor of stock prices, I still believe that technical analysis must ultimately be worthless 0 For the sake of argument, suppose the technician had found a reliable year-end rally, that is, every year stock prices rose between Christmas and New Year's Day.
The problem is that once such a regularity is known to market participants, people will act in a way that prevents it from happening in the futureo+
*Edward o. Thorp actually did find a method to win at blackjack. Thorp wrote it all up in Beat the Dealer. Since then, casinos switched to the use of several decks of cards to make it more difficult for card counters and, as a last resort, they banished the counters from the gaming tables.
tIf such a regularity was known to only one individual, he would simply practice the technique until he had collected a large share of the marbles. He surely would have no incentive to share a truly useful scheme by making it available to others.
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Any successful technical scheme must ultimately be selfdefeatingo The moment I realize that prices will be higher after
New Year's Day than they are before Christmas, I will start buyig before Christmas ever comes aroundo If people know a stock will go up tomorrow, you can be sure it will go up today.
Any regularity in the stock market that can be discovered and acted upon profitably is bound to destroy itselfo This is the fundamental reason why I am convinced that no one will be successful in using technical methods to get above-average returns in the stock market.
Implications for Investors
The past history of stock prices cannot be used to predict the future in any meaningful wayo Technical strategies are usually amusing, often comforting, but of no real valueo This is the weak form of the random-walk theoryo Technical theories enrich only the people preparing and marketing the technical service or the brokerage firms who hire technicians in the hope that their analyses may help encourage investors to do more inand-out trading and thus generate commission business for the brokerage firm.
Using technical analysis for market timing is especially dangerous 0 Because there is a long-term uptrend in the stock market, it can be very risky to be in casho An investor who frequently carries a large cash position to avoid periods of market decline is very likely to be out of the market during some periods where it rallies smartlyo Professor Ho Negat Seybun of the University of Michigan found that 95 percent of the significant market gains over the thirty-year period from the mid-1960s through the mid-1990s came on 90 of the roughly 7,500 trading days 0 If you happened to miss those 90 days, just over 1
percent of the total, the generous long-run stock market returns of the period would have been wiped out. The point is that market timers risk missing the infrequent large sprints that are the big contributors to performance.
The implications of this analysis are simpleo If past prices contain little or no useful information for the prediction of future prices, there is no point in following any technical trading rule for the timing of purchases or saleso A simple policy of buying and holding will be at least as good as any technical procedureo Discontinue your subscriptions to worthless technical services, and eschew brokers who read charts and are continually recommending trades.
There is another major advantage to a buy-and-hold strategy that I have not yet mentionedo Buying and selling, to the extent that it is profitable at all, tends to generate capital gains, which are subject to taxo Buying and holding enables you to postpone or avoid gains taxes 0 By following any technical strategy, you are likely to realize short-term capital gains and pay larger taxes (as well as paying them sooner) than you would under a buy-and-hold strategyo Thus, simply buying and holding a diversified portfolio suited to your objectives will enable you to save on investment expense, brokerage charges, and taxes; and, at the same time, to achieve an overall performance record at least as good as that obtainable using technical methodso
7. How Good Is Fundamental Analysis?
How could I have been so mistaken as to have trusted the experts?
—John R Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs fiasco
—John R Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs fiasco
In the beginning he was a statistician. He wore a white, starched shirt and threadbare blue suito He quietly put on his green eyeshade, sat down at his desk, and recorded meticulously the historical financial information about the companies he followedo The result: writer's cramp.
But then a metamorphosis began to set in. He rose from his desk, bought blue button-down shirts and gray flannel suits, threw away his eyeshade, and began to make field trips to visit the companies that previously he had known only as a collection of financial statisticso His title now became security analyst.
As time went on, his salary and perks attracted the attention of his female cohorts and they too donned suitso And just about everybody who was anybody was now flying first class and talking money, money, moneyo The bright newcomers entering the job market during the 1990s laughed at the old
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fogy forty-year-olds and disdained their wayso The new generation was hip; suits were out, and Gucci shoes and Armani slacks were ino They were so incredibly brilliant and knowledgeable that portfolio managers relied on their recommendations and Wall Street firms sed them increasingly to cultivate investment banking clientso They were more than security analysts 0 They were equity research starso Some, however, whispered unkindly that they were investment banking whoreso
The Views from Wall Street and Academia
No matter what title, derogatory or otherwise, these individuals hold, the great majority are fundamentalistso Thus, studies casting doubt on the efficacy of technical analysis would not be considered surprising by most professionalso At heart, the Wall
Street pros are fundamentalistso The really important question is whether fundamental analysis is any good.
Two opposing vie"ws have been taken about the efficacy of fundamental analysiso Wall Streeters feel that fundamental analysis is becoming more powerful and skillful all the time.
The individual investor has scarcely a chance against the professional portfolio manager and a team of fundamental analysts 0
Many in the academic community sneer at such pomposity.
Some academicians have gone so far as to suggest that a blindfolded monkey throwing darts at the Wall Street Journal can select stocks with as much success as professional portfolio managerso They have argued that fund managers and their fundamental analysts can do no better at picking stocks than a rank amateur.
My own view of the matter is not as extreme as that taken by many of my academic colleagueso Nevertheless, an understanding of the large body of research on these questions is essential for any intelligent investoro. This chapter will recount the major battle in an ongoing war between academics and market professionals and why it is important to your walleto
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Are Security Analysts Fundamentally
Clairvoyant?
Forecasting future earnings is the security analysts' raison d'etreo As Institutional Investor put it, "Earnings are the name of the game and always will beo"
To predict future directions, analysts generally start by looking at past wanderings 0 '1\ proven score of past performance in earnings growth is," one analyst told me, "a most reliable indicator of future earnings growtho" If management is really skillful, there is no reason to think that it will lose its
Midas touch in the futureo If the same adroit management team remains at the helm, the course of future earnings growth should continue as it has in the past, or so the argument goes.
While it sounds suspiciously like an argument used by technical analysts, fundamentalists pride themselves on the fact that it is based on specific, proven company performance.
Such thinking flunks in the academic world. Calculations of past earnings growth are no help in predicting future growth.
If you had known the growth rates of all companies during, say, the 1980-90 period, this would not have helped you at all in predicting what growth they would achieve in the 1990-2000
periodo And knowing the fast growers of the 1990s has not helped analysts find the fast growers of the early twenty-first centuryo This startling result was first reported by British researchers for companies' in the United Kingdom in an article charmingly titled "Higgledy Piggledy Growtho" Learned academicians at Princeton and Harvard applied the British study t.
UoSo companies-and, surprise, the same was true here!
"IBM," the cry immediately went up, "remember IBMo" I do remember IBM: a steady high grower for decades. For a while it was a glaring exceptiono But after the mid-1980s, even the mighty IBM failed to continue its dependable growth patterno I
also remember Polaroid, Kodak, Nortel Networks, Xerox, and dozens of other firms that chalked up consistent large growth rates until the roof fell ino I hope you remember not the current exceptions, but rather the rule: Many in Wall Street refuse to accept the fact that no reliable pattern can be discerned from past records to aid the analyst in predicting future growth 0
Even during the boom years of the 1990s, only one in eight
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large companies managed to achieve consistent yearly growth.
And not even one continued to enjoy growth into the first years of the New Millenniumo Analysts can't predict consistent longrun growth, because it does not exist.
A good analyst will argue, however, that there's much more to predicting than just examining the past recordo Some will even admit that the past record is not a perfect measurement.
Rather than examine every factor that goes into the actual forecasting process, John Cragg and I decided to concentrate on the end result: the prediction itself.
Donning our cloak of academic detachment, we wrote to nineteen of the most respected Wall Street firms engaged in fundamental analysiso We asked these firms for their estimates of the future one-year and five-year earnings for a large sample of S&P 500 companieso These estimates, made at several different times, were then compared with actual results to see how well the analysts forecast short-run and long-run earnings changes 0 The results were surprising.
Bluntly stated, the careful estimates of security analysts
(based on industry studies, plant visits, etco) do little better than those that would be obtained by simple extrapolation of past trends, which we have already seen are no help at all.
Indeed, when compared with actual earnings growth rates, the five-year estimates of security analysts were actually worse than the predictions from several naive forecasting models.
For example, one placebo with which the analysts' estimates were compared was the assumption that every company in the economy would enjoy a growth in earnings approximating the long-run rate of growth of the national incomeo It often turned out that if you used this naive forecasting model, you would make smaller errors in forecasting long-run earnings growth than by using the professional forecasts of the analysts.
Our method of determining the efficacy of the security analyst's diagnoses of his companies is exactly the same as was used before in evaluating the technicians' medicineo We compared the results obtained by following the experts with the results from some naive mechanism involving no expertise at all. Sometimes these naive predictors work very well.
For example, if you want to forecast the weather tomorrow,
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you will do a pretty good job by predicting that it will be exactly the same as todayo Although this system misses every one of the turning points in the weather, for most days it is quite reliableo How many weather forecasters do you suppose do any better?
When confronted with the poor record of their five-year growth estimates, the security analysts honestly, if sheepishly, admitted that five years ahead is really too far in' advance to make reliable projections 0 They felt that they really ought to be judged on their ability to project earnings changes one year ahead 0 Believe it or not, it turned out that their one-year forecasts were.even worse than their five-year projections.
The analysts fought back gamelyo They complained that it was unfair to judge their performance on a wide cross section of industries, because earnings for high-tech firms and various
"cyclical" companies are notoriously hard to forecast. "Try us on utilities," one analyst confidently assertedo So we tried it and they didn't like it. Even the forecasts for the "stable" utilities were far off the marko This led to the second major finding of our study: Not one industry is easy to predict.
Moreover, no analysts proved consistently superior to the otherso Of course, in each year some analysts did much better than average, but no consistency in their pattern of performance was foundo Analysts who did better than average one year were no more likely than the others to make superior forecasts in the next year.
These findings have been confirmed by several other researchers 0 For example, Michael Sandretto of Harvard and
Sudhir Milkrishnamurthi of MIT completed a massive study of the one-year forecasts of the 1,000 most widely followed companieso Their staggering conclusion was that the error rates each year were remarkably consistent and that the average annual error of the analysts was 3103 percent over a five-year period.
Financial forecasting appears to be a science that makes astrology look respectable.
Amidst all these accusations is a deadly serious message:
Security analysts have enormous difficulty in performing their basic function of forecasting company earnings prospects.
Investors who put blind faith in such forecasts in making their investment selections are in for some rude disappointments.
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Why the Crystal Ball Is Clouded
It is always somewhat. disturbing to learn that a group of high.ly trained and well-paid professionals may not be terribly skillful at their callingo Unfortunately, this is hardly unusual.
Similar types of findings could be made for most groups of professionalso There is, for example, a classic example in medicineo At a time when tonsillectomies were very fashionable, the
American Child Health Association surveyed a group of 1,000
children, eleven years of age, from the public schools of New
York City, and found that 611 of these had had their tonsils removedo The remaining 389 were then examined by a group of physicians, who selected 174 of these for tonsillectomies and declared that the rest had no tonsil problemo The remaining
215 were reexamined by another group of doctors, who recommended 99 of these for tonsillectomies 0 When the 116
"healthy" children were examined a third time, a similar percentage were told their tonsils had to be removedo After three examinations, only 65 children remained who had not been recommended for tonsillectomies 0 These remaining children were not examined further, because the supply of examining physicians ran out.
Numerous studies have shown similar resultso Radiologists have failed to recognize the presence of lung disease in about
30 percent of the X-ray plates they read, despite the clear presence of the disease on the X-ray filmo Another experiment proved that professional staffs in psychiatric hospitals could not tell the sane from the insaneo The point is that we should not take for granted the reliability and accuracy of any judge, no matter how expert. When one considers the low reliability of so many kinds of judgments, it does not seem too surprising that security analysts, with their particularly difficult forecasting job, should be no exception.
There are, I believe, five factors that help explain why security analysts have such difficulty in predicting the future 0
These are (1) the influence of random events, (2) the production of dubious reported earnings through "creative" accounting procedures, (3) the basic incompetence of many of the analysts themselves, (4) the loss of the best analysts to the sales desk or to portfolio management, and (5) the conflicts of inter
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est facing securities analysts at firms with large investment banking operationso Each factor deserves some discussiono
1. The Influence of Random Events
Many of the most important changes that affect the basic prospects for corporate earnings are essentially random, that is, unpredictableoTake the utility industry, to which I referred earliero Presumably it is one of the most stable and dependable groups of companieso But, in fact, many important unpredictable events made earnings even for this industry enormously difficult to forecast. Throughout the late 1900s, unexpected unfavorable rulings of state public utility commissions often made it impossible for utilities to translate rapid growth in demand into higher profits 0 Other unpredictable events compounded the problemo In the 1970s and early 2000s, forecasts were very wide of the mark as analysts failed to predict the increased fuel costs resulting from the sharp increase in the international price of oil. And in the 1990s, analysts failed to appreciate the extent to which deregulation and competition would reduce the profit margins of the telephone and electric utilitieso Thus, even the "stable" utility industry has proved extraordinarily difficul t to predict.
Forecasting problems have been even more difficult in other industries. As we saw in chapter 4, growth forecasts made in early 2000 for a wide variety of high-tech and telecom companies were egregiously wrongo DoS. government budgetary, contract, legal, and regulatory decisions can have enormous implications for the fortunes of individual companieso So can the incapacitation of key members of management, the discovery of a major new product, the finding of defects in a prescription drug, a -major oil spill, terrorist attacks, the entry of new competitors, price wars, and natural disasters such as floods and hurricanes, among others. The stories of unpredictable events affecting earnings are endless.
2. The Production of Dubious Reported Earnings through "Creative" Accounting Procedures
A firm's income statement may be likened to a bikiniwhat it reveals is interesting but what it conceals is vital.
Enron, one of the most ingeniously corrupt companies I have
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come across, led the beauty parade in this regardo Alas, Enron was far from uniqueo During the great bull market of the late
1990s, companies increasingly used aggressive fictions to report the soaring sales and earnings needed to propel their stock prices upward.
In the hit musical The Producers, Leo Bloom decides he can make more money from a flop than from a hit. He says, "It's all a matter of creative accountingo" Bloom's client Max Bialystock sees the potential immediatelyo Max fleeces buckets of money from rich widows to finance a Broadway musical, Springtime for Hitlero Hoping for a total flop, he spends all the money on himself and assumes that no one will ask questions about where the money went.
Actually, Bloom doesn't begin to match the tricks that have been used by companies to pump up earnings and to fool investors and security analysts alikeo In chapter 3, I described how Barry Minkow's late 1980s carpet-cleaning empire, ZZZZ
Best, was built on a mosaic of phony credit card billings and fictitious contracts 0 But accounting abuses appear to have become even more frequent during the 1990s and early twentyfirst centuryo Failing dot-corns, high-tech leaders, and even old economy blue chips all tried to hype earnings and mislead the investment communityo As he left the chairmanship of the SEC
in 2001, Arthur Levitt warned, "We see greater evidence of
[accounting] illusions or tricks than has ever been true of the past. "
Here's but a brief number of examples of how companies have often stretched accounting rules like taffy to mislead analysts and the public as to the true state of their operationso
· In September 2001, Enron and Qwest needed to show that their revenues and profits were still growing rapidlyo They figured out a great way to make their statements look as if business was proceeding well. They swapped fiber-optic network capacity at an exaggerated value of $500 million, and each company recorded the transaction as a saleo This inflated profits and masked a deteriorating position for both companieso Qwest already had a surfeit of capacity and, with an enormous glut of fiber in the market, the valuation put on the trade had no justificationo
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· Motorola, Lucent, and Nortel all boosted sales and earnings by lending large amounts to their customerso Many of these accounts became uncollectable and had to be written off latero
· Xerox boosted its profits in the short term by allowing its overseas units in Europe and Latin America, as well as
Canada, to book as one-time revenue all the cash to be paid over several years for long-term copier leaseso
· "Chainsaw AI" Dunlap, the CEO of Sunbeam, needed a boost during the winter quarter to satisfy Wall Street's need for steadily growing earnings 0 He hit upon the ingenious idea of convincing retailers to buy backyard grills in the middle of wintero Chainsaw sweetened the deal by saying that the retailer would not have to actually pay for the grills until later and that, furthermore, he would see to it that all purchases would be stored in Sunbeam warehouseso Eventually, he ran out of tricks and Dunlap fled, leaving a cut-up wreck that finally went bankrupt.
· Eastman Kodak availed itself of "big bash" accounting write-offso Kodak took six "extraordinary" charges during the 1990s totaling $405 billion, equal to all the company's profits over the preceding eight yearso By charging off years of expenses at once, the company could make future earnings look that much bettero It's like an individual making several years of mortgage payments in advance and then claiming that his income has growno
· Then there is the pension gambit. Many companies in the late 1990s estimated that their pension plans were overfunded, and therefore they eliminated the companies' contribution to the plans, thus boosting profits 0 Often these gains were hidden in the footnoteso When the market suffered a sharp decline during the early 2000s, the companies discovered that their plans were actually underfunded and what investors assumed were sustainable profits turned out to be transitory.
A major problem that the analyst has in interpreting curren I
and projecting future earnings is the tendency of companies tC)
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report so-called pro forma earnings as opposed to actual earnings computed in accordance with generally accepted accounting principleso In pro forma earnings, companies decide to ignore certain costs that are considered unusual; in fact, no rules or guidelines exist. Pro forma earnings are often called
"earnings before all the bad stuff," and give firms license to exclude any expenses they deem to be "special," "extraordinary," and "non-recurringo" Depending on what expenses are considered to be improperly ignored, companies can report a substantial overstatement of earningso Small wonder that security analysts have extraordinary difficulty estimating what future earnings are likely to beo
3. The Basic Incompetence of Many of the Analysts
Themselves
To be perfectly blunt, many security analysts are not particularly perceptive, critical, or competent. I learned this early in the game as a young Wall Street traineeo In attempting to learn the techniques of the pros, I tried to duplicate some analytic work done by a metals specialist named Louieo Louie had figured that for each 10 increase in the price of copper, the earnings for a particular copper producer would increase by $1 per shareo Because he expected a $1 increase in the price of copper, he reasoned that this particular stock was "an unusually attractive purchase candidateo"
In redoing the calculation, I found that Louie had misplaced a decimal point. A 10 increase in the price of copper would increase earnings by 10, not by $10 When I pointed this out to Louie (feeling sure he would want to put out a correction immediately), he simply shrugged his shoulders and declared,
"Well, the recommendation sounds more convincing if we leave the report as iso" Attention to detail was clearly not the forte of this particular analyst.
Louie's lack of attention to detail pointed out his lack of understanding of the industry he was coveringo But he was not uniqueo In an article written for Barron's in early 2000, Dr.
Lloyd Kriezer, a plastic surgeon, examined some reports written by biotech analysts 0 Kriezer paid particular attention to analysts' coverage of those biotech companies that were creating artificial skin for use in the treatment of chronic wounds
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and burns-a field in which he had considerable expertiseo He found the security analysts' diagnoses of stocks far wide of the marko First, he added the assumptions made of the share of the market predicted for competing companieso The predicted shares of the five biotech companies competing in the market for artificial skin added up to well over 100 percent. Moreover, the analysts' prediction of the absolute size of the potential market bore little relationship to data on the number of actual burn victims, even though accurate data were easily available.
Moreover, in examining the various analyst reports on the companies, Dro Kriezer concluded, "They clearly did not understand the industryo" One is reminded of words attributed to the legendary baseball manager Casey Stengel: "Can't anybody here play this game?"
Many analysts emulate Louieo Generally too lazy to make their own earnings projections, they prefer to copy the forecasts of other analysts or to swallow the "guidance" released by corporate managements without even chewingo Then it's very easy to know whom to blame if something goes wrongo And it's much easier to be wrong when your professional colleagues all agreed with YOUo As Keynes put it, "Worldly wisdom teaches that it is better for reputation to fail conventionally than to succeed unconventionallyo"
I do not mean to imply that most Wall Street analysts do nothing more than to parrot back what managements tell themo But I do imply that the average analyst is just that-a well-paid and usually highly intelligent person who has an extraordinarily difficult job and does it in a rather mediocre fashiono Analysts are often misguided, sometimes sloppy, perhaps self-important, and at times susceptible to the same pressures as other peopleo In short, they are really very human beingso
4. The Loss of the Best Analysts to the Sales Desk, t.
Portfolio Management, or to Hedge Funds
My fourth argument against the profession is a paradoxical one: Many of the best security analysts are not paid to analyze securities 0 They are often very high-powered institutional salespeople, or they are promoted to the prestigious position of portfolio manager.
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Brokerage houses that pride themselves on their research pro\vess project an aura of respectability by sending a security analyst to chaperone the regular salesperson on a call to a financial institutiono Institutional investors like to hear about a new investment idea right from the horse's mouth, and so the regular salesperson usually sits back and lets the analyst do the talkingo Thus, most of the articulate analysts find that their time is spent with institutional clients, not with financial reports 0
During the early 2000s, many analysts were seduced away from research to take highly compensated positions in portfolio management or with hedge fundso One of Wall Street's bestknown analysts, Barton Biggs, left Morgan Stanley in 2003 to form his own hedge fundo He writes about the attractions of his experiences in Hedgehoggingo It's far more exciting, prestigious, and remunerative to "run money" in the line position of hedge fund or portfolio manager than only to advise in the staff position of security analyst. Small wonder that many of the bestrespected security analysts do not remain long in their jobso
5. The Conflicts of Interest between Research and
Investment Banking Departments
The analyst's goal is to ring as many cash registers as possible, and the fullest cash registers for the major brokers are to be
. found in the investment banking divisiono It wasn't always that wayo In the 1970s, before the demise of fixed commissions and the introduction of "discount" brokerage firms, the retail brokerage operation paid the tab and analysts could feel they were really working for their customers-the retail and institutional investorso But that profit center faded in importance with competitive commissions, and the only gold mine left was the underwriting of new issues for new or existing firms (where fees can run to hundreds of millions of dollars) and advising firms on borrowing facilities, restructuring, acquisitions, etc.
And so it came to pass that "ringing the cash registers" meant helping the brokerge firm obtain and nurture banking clients.
And that's how the conflicts aroseo Analysts' salaries and bonuses were determined in part by their role in assisting the underwriting department. When such business relationships
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existed, critics assert, the analyst became nothing more than a tool of the investment banking division.
One indication of the tight relationship between security analysts and their investment banking operations has been the traditional paucity of sell recommendationso There has always been some bias in the ratio of buy to sell recommendations since analysts do not want to offend the companies they cover.
But as investment banking revenues became the major source of profits for the major brokerage firms, research analysts were increasingly paid to be bullish rather than accurateo In one celebrated incident, an analyst who had the chutzpah to recommend that Trump's Taj Mahal bonds should be sold because they were unlikely to pay their interest was summarily fired by his firm after threats of legal retaliation from "The Donald"
himselfo (Later, the bonds did default.) This is far from an isolated incident. An analyst from BNP Paribas alleged that he was forced out of his job after a sell recommendation on Enron.
Small wonder that most analysts have purged their prose of negative comments that might give offense to current or prospective investment banking clientso In the 1990s, the ratio of buy to sell recommendations climbed to 100 to 1, particularly for brokerage firms with large investment banking businesses.
To be sure, when an analyst says "buy" he may mean
"hold," and when he says "hold" he probably means this as a euphemism for "dump this piece of crap as soon as possibleo"
But investors should not need a course in deconstruction semantics to understand the recommendations, and most individual investors sadly took the analysts at their words during the Internet bubble.
There is convincing evidence that analyst recommendations are tainted by the very profitable investment banking relationships of the brokerage firms 0 Several studies have assessed the accuracy of analysts' stock selectionso Brad Barber of the University of California studied the performance of the
"strong buy" recommendations of Wall Street analysts and found it nothing short of "disastrouso" Indeed, the analysts'
strong buy recommendations underperformed the market as a whole by 3 percent per month, while their sell recommendations outperformed the markets by 308 percent per montho Even
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worse, researchers at Dartmouth and Cornell found that stock recommendations of Wall Street firms without investment banking relationships did much better than the recommendations of brokerage firms that were involved in profitable investment banking relationships with the companies they covered.
A study from Investorsocom found that investors lost over 50
percent when they followed the advice of an analyst employed by a Wall Street firm that managed or co-managed the initial public offering of the recommended stocko Research analysts were basically paid to tout the stocks of the firm's underwriting clientso And analysts lick the hands that feed them.
In 2002, the Attorney General of the State of New York,
Eliot Spitzer, found a smoking guno While Henry Blodgett and other analysts at Merrill Lynch were officially recommending a number of Internet and New Economy stocks, the same analysts were referring to the stocks disparagingly in e-mail messages as "junk," "dogs," or less attractive epithetso Merrill did not admit guilt, but it settied with New York and other states for $100 milliono Merrill also promised certain reforms such as not directly tying analysts' pay to investment banking revenues, clarifying its stock recommendations, and better disclosing potential conflicts of interest. Other firms such as
Goldman Sachs and Smith Barney quickly embraced the Merrill proposals.
The situation today is somewhat improvedo Outright "sell"
recommendations have become more common, although the bias to "buy" advice remainso But the Sarbanes-Oxley legislation, which followed the scandals associated with the Internet bubble, made the job of the analyst more difficult by limiting the extent to which corporate financial officers could talk t.
Wall Street analystso The SEC has promulgated a policy of "fair disclosure," whereby any relevant company information must be made public immediately and thus disclosed to the whole market. While such a policy can help make the stock market even more efficient, many disgruntled security analysts dubbed the situation as one of "no disclosureo" Security analysts could no longer have early access to privileged information.
Thus, there is no reason to believe that the recommendations of security analysts will improve in the futureo
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Do Security Analysts Pick Winners?-The Performance of the Mutual Funds
I can almost hear the chorus in the background as I write these wordso It goes something like this: The real test of the analyst lies in the performance of the stocks he recommends.
Maybe "Sloppy Louie," the copper analyst, did mess up his earnings forecast with a misplaced decimal point, but if the stocks he recommended made money for his clients, his lack of attention to detail can surely be forgiveno 'nalyze investment performance," the chorus is saying, "not earnings forecastso"
Fortunately, the records of one group of professionals-the mutual funds-are publicly availableo Better still for my argument, many of the men and women at the funds are the best analysts and portfolio managers in the businesso By their own admission, they can clearly make above-average returns 0 As one investment manager recently put it, "It will take many years before the general level of competence rises enough to overshadow the startling advantage of today's aggressive investment managero"
Statements like these were just too tempting to the loftyminded in the academic worldo Given the wealth of available data, the time available to conduct such research, and the overwhelming desire to prove academic superiority in such matters, it was only natural that academia would zero in on mutual-fund performance.
Again, the evidence from several studies is remarkably uniform. Investors have done no better with the average mutual fund than they could have done by purchasing and holding an unmanaged broad stock indexo In other words, over long periods of time, mutual-fund portfolios have not outperformed randomly selected groups of stockso Although funds may have very good records for certain short time periods, there is generally no consistency to superior performance, and there is no way to predict in advance how funds will perform in any given future period.
The table below shows the returns from the average large capitalization equity mutual fund over different periods t.
December 31, 20050 As a comparison, the Standard & Poor's
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500-Stock Index is used to represent the market. Similar results have been found for different time periods and for pension-fund managers as well as mutual-fund managers 0
Simply buying and holding the stocks in a broad-market index is a strategy that is very hard for the professional portfolio manager to beat.
Mutual Funds vs. the Market Index
Median total returns (%) ending Dec. 31, 2005
10 Years 20 Years
Large Cap Equity Funds
S&P 500 Index
S&P 500 Advantage
7.62%
9.07
1.45
10.54%
11.94
1.40
Source: Lipper Analytical, Standard & Poor's, and The Vanguard Group.
In addition to the scientific evidence that has been accumulated, several less formal tests have verified this findingo For example, in the early 1990s, the Wall Street Journal started a dartboard contest in which each month the selections of four experts were pitted against the selections of four darts 0 The
Journal kindly let me throw the darts for the first contest. By the early 2000s, the experts appeared to be somewhat ahead of the dartso If, however, the performance of the experts was measured from the day their selections and their attendant publicity was announced in the Journal (rather than from the preceding day), the darts were actually slightly aheado Does this mean that the wrist is mightier than the brain? Perhaps not, but I
think Forbes magazine raised a very valid question when one journalist concluded, "It would seem that a combination of luck and sloth beats brainso"
How can this be? Every year one can read the performance rankings of mutual funds 0 These always show many funds beating the averages-some by significant amountso The problem is that there is no consistency to performanceo Just as past earnings growth cannot predict future earnings, neither can past fund performance predict future resultso Fund managements are also subject to random events: they may grow fat, become lazy, or break upo An investment approach that works very well for one period can easily turn sour the next. One is
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tempted to conclude that a very important factor in determining performance ranking is our old friend Lady Luck.
This conclusion is not a recent oneo It has held throughout the past forty years, a period of great change in the market and in the percentage of the general public holding stockso Again and again yesterday's star fund has proven to be today's disastero During the late 1960s, the go-go funds with their youthful gunslingers turned in spectacular results, and their fund managers were written up like sports celebritieso But when the next bear market hit from 1969 through 1976, it was fly now, pay latero The top funds of 1968 had a perfectly disastrous subsequent performance.
The Mates Fund, for example, was number one in 19680 At the end of 1974, the fund had lost 93 percent of its 1968 value, and Fred Mates finally threw in the towel. He left the investment community to start a singles' bar in New York City appropriately named Mateso Indeed, most of the top-performing funds of the late 1960s were out of business by the mid-1970s.
The illustration from the late 1960s appeared in the first edition of this booko Similar results continue to holdo The following table presents the 1980 to 1990 performance for the twenty top funds of the 1970-80 periodo Again, there is no consistencyo Many of the top funds of the 1970s ranked close to the bottom during the 1980so Although the top twenty funds almost doubled the average fund return during the 1970s (1900 percent versus 1004
percent), those same funds did worse than average (1101 percent versus 1107 percent) over the next decadeo There was, however, one striking exceptiono The Magellan Fund, managed by Peter
Lynch, was a superior performer in both the 1970s and 1980so But
Lynch retired in 1990 at the ripe old age of forty-six, and we will never know if he would have continued to beat the Street.
How the Top 20 Equity Funds of the 1970s Performed during the 1980s
Average Annual Return
1970s 1980s
Top 20 funds of the 1970s
Average of all equity funds
+19.0%
+10.4%
+11.1%
+ 11.7%
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In case you think the picture changed during the decade of the 1990s, the next table shows the top twenty mutualfund performers of the decade of the 1980s and the deterioration of their performance in the 1990so The results are distressingly similaro Note that while the new top twenty of the 1980s were racking up 18 percent yearly gains, the top twenty from the 1970s recorded returns of only 1101 percent.
Financial magazines and newspapers will keep singing the praises of particular mutual-fund managers who have recently produced above-average returns 0 As long as there are averages, some managers will outperformo But good performance in one period does not predict good performance in the next.
How the Top 20 Equity Funds of the 1980s Performed during the 1990s
Average Annual Return
1980s 1990s
Top 20 funds of the 1980s
S&P 500-Stock Index
+18.0%
+ 1401 %
+13.7%
+14.9%
An even more dramatic example looks at the bestperforming general equity funds during the 1994-1999 period.
We find that the twenty hottest funds earned rates of return during the last six years of the 1990s that were on average over
30 percent, well above the return for the market. These were the "genius" fund managers interviewed adoringly on CNBC
and featured in articles in investment magazineso In fact, these funds had simply loaded up their portfolios with New Economy stockso They had ridden the Internet bubble up, but when the bubble burst, they collapsed as well. On average, during the first six years of the 2000s, these funds performed far worse than the market as a wholeo Investors learned that making 100 percent one year and losing 50 percent the next left them exactly where they started out. On the whole, investors suffered punishing losses in these funds during the early 2000so
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Getting Burned by Hot Funds
12/93-12/99 12/99-12/05
Average Annual Average Annual
Return Return
Fund Name Rank * (%) Rank * (%)
RS Inv: Emerg Gr 1 37.54 410 -9.35
Janus Mercury 2 35.92 397 -8.11
Fidelity New Millennium 3 35082 229 -0048
Janus Twenty 4 34089 394 -7072
Fidelity Aggr Grow 5 32070 422 -15067
Van Kampen Emerg Gro; A 6 31094 403 -8.47
Janus Enterprise 7 31.15 414 -9058
Legg Mason Value Tr; Prm 8 31.11 167 2.45
Van Kampen Emerg Gro; B 9 30090 409 -9.17
TA IDEX; Janus Gro;T 10 30.21 396 -8000
Janus Venture 11 29097 387 -7.02
TA IDEX Janus Gro; A 12 29085 401 -8.39
Morg Stan Inst: MCG; I 13 29047 253 -1022
Putnam OTC Emerg Gro; A 14 29010 424 -19.25
Phoenix Mid-Cap Gro; A 14 29010 402 -8.41
Janus Growth & Income 16 28043 250 -1.13
Harbor: Cap Apprec; Inst 17 28038 341 -4.28
Fidelity OTC 18 28016 371 -6.18
USAA Aggr Growth 19 27084 405 -8051
Putnam New Oppty; A 20 27.68 407 -8081
S&P 500 Return 23055 -1013
Source: Lipper and Bogle Financial Research Center.
*Rankings are out of 424 funds with at least $100m in assets on 12/95.
In any activity in which large numbers of people are engaged, although the average is likely to predominate, the unexpected is bound to happeno The very small number of really good performers we find in the investment management business actually is not at all inconsistent with the laws of chanceo Indeed, as I mentioned earlier, the fact that good past performance of a mutual fund is generally no help in predicting future performance only serves to emphasize this point.
Perhaps the laws of chance should be illustratedo Let's engage in a coin-flipping contest. Those who can consistently flip heads will be declared winners 0 The contest begins and
1,000 contestants flip coinso Just as would be expected by
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chance, 500 of them flip heads and these winners are allowed to advance to the second stage of the contest and flip againo As might be expected, 250 flip headso Operating under the laws of chance, there will be 125 winners in the third round, 63 in the fourth, 31 in the fifth, 16 in the sixth, and 8 in the seventh.
By this time, crowds start to gather to witness the surprising ability of these expert coin-flipperso The winners are overwhelmed with adulation 0 They are celebrated as geniuses in the art of coin-flipping, their biographies are written, and people urgently seek their adviceo After all, there were 1,000 contestants and only 8 could consistently flip headso The game continues and some contestants eventually flip heads nine and ten times in a rowo * The point of this analogy is not to indicate that investment-fund managers can or should make their decisions by flipping coins, but that the laws of chance do operate and that they can explain some amazing success stories.
It is the nature of an average that some investors will beat it. With large numbers of players in the money game, chance will-and does-explain some extraordinary performances 0
The very great publicity given occasional success in stock selection reminds me of the story of the doctor who claimed he had developed a cure for cancer in chickenso He proudly announced that in 33 percent of the cases tested remarkable improvement was notedo In another one-third of the cases, he admitted, there seemed to be no change in conditiono He then rather sheepishly added, 'nd I'm afraid the third chicken ran awayo"
Although the preceding discussion has focused on mutual funds, it should not be assumed that the funds are simply the worst of the whole lot of investment managers 0 In fact, the mutual funds have had a somewhat better performance record than many other professional investors 0 The records of life insurance companies, property and casualty insurance companies, pension funds, foundations, state and local trust funds, personal trusts administered by banks, and individual discretionary accounts handled by investment advisers have all been
*Ifwe had let the losers continue to play (as mutual-fund managers do, even after a bad year), we would have found several more contestants who flipped eight or nine heads out of ten and were therefore regarded as expert coin-flippers.
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studiedo No sizable differences in the investment performance of common stock portfolios exist among these professional investors or between these groups and the market as a whole.
As in the case of the mutual funds, there are some exceptions, but again they are very rareo No scientific evidence has yet been assembled to indicate that the investment performance of professionally managed portfolios as a group has been any better than that of a broad-based indexo
Can Any Fundamental System Pick Winners?
Research has also been done on whether above-average returns can be earned by using trading systems based on press announcements of new fundamental informationo The answer seems to be a clear noo Systems have been devised in which a news event such as the announcement of an unexpectedly large increase in earnings or a stock split triggers a buy signal.
But the evidence points mainly toward the efficiency of the market in adjusting so rapidly to new information that it is impossible to devise successful trading strategies on the basis of such news announcements 0 * Research indicates that, on average, stock prices react well in advance of unexpectedly good or unexpectedly bad earnings reportso In other words, the market is usually sufficiently efficient at anticipating published earnings announcements that investment strategies involving purchases or sales of stocks after the publication of those announcements do not appear to offer any help to the general investoro Although it is true that some studies have found that stock prices sometimes underreact to earnings announcements, whatever abnormalities exist do not occur consistently over timeo Indeed, stock prices overreact to earnings news about as often as they underreact.
Similarly, no new information is obtained from announcements of stock splitso Although it is true that companies split
*These tests are often referred to as tests of the "semi-strong" form of the efficientmarket hypothesis. As mentioned earlier, the "weak" form asserts that past price information cannot be exploited to develop successful trading strategies. The "semi-strong"
form says that no publicly announced news event can be exploited by investors to obtain above-average returns.
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ting their stocks have generally enjoyed rising stock prices in the period before the announcement, the relative performance of the stocks after the announcement turns out to be in line with that of the general market. These studies lend support to the old
Wall Street maxim 'pie doesn't grow through its slicingo"
A good deal of research has also been done on the usefulness of dividend increases as a basis for selecting stocks that will give above-average performanceo The argument is that an increase in a stock's dividend is a signal by management that it anticipates strong future earningso Dividend increases, in fact, are usually an accurate indicator of increases in future earningso There is also some tendency for a strong price performance to follow the dividend announcement. However, any rise in price resulting from the dividend increase, although perhaps not immediately reflected in the price of stock, is reflected reasonably completely by the end of the announcement montho
The Verdict on Market Timing
Many professional investors move money from cash to equities or to long-term bonds on the basis of their forecasts of fundamental economic conditions 0 Indeed, this is one reason many brokers give to support their belief in professional money management. The words of John Bogle, founder of The Vanguard Group of Investment Companies, are closest to my views on the subject of market timingo Bogle said, "In 30 years in this business, I do not know anybody who has done it successfully and consistently, nor anybody who knows anybody who has done it successfully and consistentlyo Indeed, my impression is that trying to do market timing is likely, not only not to add value to your investment program, but to be counterproductiveo"
Bogle's point may be very well illustrated by an examination of how mutual funds have varied their cash positions in response to their changing views about the relative attractiveness of equitieso Mutual-fund managers have been incorrect in their allocation of assets into cash in essentially every recent market cycleo Caution on the part of mutual-fund managers (as represented by a very high cash allocation) coincides almost perfectly with troughs in the stock market. Peaks in mutual
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funds' cash positions have coincided with market troughs during 1970, 1974, 1982, and the end of 1987 after the great stockmarket crasho Another peak in cash positions occurred in late
1990, just before the market rallied during 1991, and in 1994, just before the greatest six-year rise in stock prices in market historyo Cash positions were also high in late 2002, at the trough of the market. Conversely, the allocation to cash of mutual-fund managers was almost invariably at a low during peak periods in the market. For example, the cash position of mutual funds was near an all-time low in March 2000, just before the market began its sharp declineo Clearly the ability of mutual-fund managers to time the market has been egregiously poor.
Over the past fifty-four years, the market has risen in thirtysix years, been even in three years, and declined in only fifteen.
Thus, the odds of being successful when you are in cash rather than stocks are almost three to one against youo An academic study by Professors Richard Woodward and Jess Chua of the
University of Calgary shows that holding on to your stocks as long-term investments works better than market timing because your gains from being in stocks during bull markets far outweigh the losses in bear marketso The professors conclude that a market timer would have to make correct decisions 70
percent of the time to outperform a buy-and-hold investoro I've never met anyone who can bat 0700 in calling market turnso
The Semi-strong and Strong Forms of the
Efficient-Market Theory
The academic community has rendered its judgmento Fundamental analysis is no better than technical analysis in enabling investors to capture above-average returnso Nevertheless, given its propensity for splitting hairs, the academic community soon fell to quarreling over the precise definition of fundamental information 0 Some said it was what is known now; others said it extended to the hereafter. It was at this point that what began as the strong form of the efficient-market theory split into twoo As we have seen, the "semi-strong" form says that no public information will help the analyst select undervalued securitieso The argument here is that the structure of
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market prices already takes into account any public information that may be contained in balance sheets, income statements, dividends, and so forth; professional analyses of these data will be uselesso The "strong" form says that absolutely nothing that is known or even knowable about a company will benefit the fundamental analyst. Not only all the news that is public but also all the information that it is possible to know about the company has already been reflected in the price of the stocko According to the strong form of the theory, not even
"inside" information can help the investors.
The strong form of the theory is obviously an overstatement if it does not admit the possibility of gaining from inside informationo Nathan Rothschild made millions in the market when his carrier pigeons brought him the first news of Wellington's victory at Waterloo before other traders were aware of the victoryo But today, the information superhighway carries news far more swiftly than carrier pigeonso And Regulation FD (Fair Disclosure) requires companies to make prompt public announcements of any material news items that may affect the price of their stocko Moreover, insiders who do profit from trading on the basis of nonpublic information are breaking the lawo The
Nobel laureate Paul Samuelson sums up the situation as follows:
If intelligent people are constantly shopping around for good value, selling those stocks they think will turn out to be overvalued and buying those they expect are now undervalued, the result of this action by intelligent investors will be to have existing stock prices already have discounted in them an allowance for their future prospects. Hence, to the passive investor, who does not himself search for underand overvalued situations, there will be presented a pattern of stock prices that makes one stock about as good or bad a buy as anothero To that passive investor, chance alone would be as good a method of selection as anything elseo
This is a statement of the efficient-market theoryo The "narrow" (weak) form of the theory says that technical analysislooking at past stock prices-could not help investors 0 Prices move from period to period very much like a random walko The
"broad" (semi-strong and strong) forms state that fundamental
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analysis is not helpful eithero All that is known concerning the expected growth of the company's earnings and dividends, all of the possible favorable and unfavorable developments affecting the company that might be studied by the fundamental analyst, is already reflected in the price of the company's stock.
Thus, purchasing a fund holding all the stocks in a broad-based index will produce a portfolio that can be expected to do as well as any managed by professional security analysts.
The efficient-market theory does not, as some critics have proclaimed, state that stock prices move aimlessly and erratically and are insensitive to changes in fundamental inform ationo On the contrary, the reason prices move in a random walk is just the oppositeo The market is so efficient-prices move so quickly when information arises-that no one can buy or sell fast enough to benefit. And real news develops randomly, that is, unpredictablyo It cannot be predicted by studying either past technical or fundamental information.
Even the legendary Benjamin Graham, heralded as the father of fundamental security analysis, reluctantly came to the conclusion that fundamental security analysis could no longer be counted on to produce superior investment returns 0 Shortly before he died in 1976, he was quoted in an interview in the
Financial Analysts Journal as saying, "I am no longer an advocate of elaborate techniques of security analysis in order to find superior value opportunities 0 This was a rewarding activity, say, 40
years ago, when Graham and Dodd was first published; but the situation has changedo 0 0 0 [Today] I doubt whether such extensive efforts will generate sufficiently superior selections to justify their cost. 0 0 0 I'm on the side of the 'efficient market' school of thought."
And Peter Lynch, just after he retired from managing the Magellan Fund, as well as the legendary Warren Buffett, admitted that most investors would be better off in an index fund rather than investing in an actively managed equity mutual fundo
The Middle of the Road: A Personal Viewpoint
Let's first briefly recap the diametrically opposed viewpoints about the functioning of the stock marketo The view of most investment managers is that professionals certainly out
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perform all amateur and casual investors in managing money.
Much of the academic community, on the other hand, believes that professionally managed investment portfolios cannot outperform randomly selected portfolios of stocks with equivalent risk characteristicso Random walkers claim that the stock market adjusts so quickly and perfectly to new information that amateurs buying at current prices can do just as well as the proso Thus, the value of professional investment advice is nilat least insofar as it concerns choosing a stock portfolio.
I walk a middle roado I believe that investors might reconsider their faith in professional advisers, but I am not as ready as many of my academic colleagues to damn the entire field.
Although it is abundantly clear that the pros do not consistently beat the averages, I must admit that exceptions to the rule of the efficient market exist. Well, a fewo Although the preponderance of statistical evidence supports the view that market efficiency is high, some gremlins are lurking about that harry the efficient-market theory and make it impossible for anyone to state that the theory is conclusively demonstrated.
Finding inconsistencies in the efficient-market theory became such a cottage industry during the late 1980s and 1990s that I
will devote an entire chapter (chapter 11) to the market anomalies and so-called predictable patterns that have been uncovered.
Moreover, I worry about accepting all the tenets of the efficient-market theory, in part because the theory rests on several fragile assumptionso The first is that perfect pricing exists.
As the quote from Paul Samuelson indicates, the theory holds that, at any time, stocks sell at the best estimates of their intrinsic valueso Thus, uninformed investors buying at the existing prices are really getting full value for their money, whatever securities they purchase.
This line of reasoning is uncomfortably close to that of the
"greater fool" theoryo We have seen ample evidence in Part One that stocks sometimes do not sellon the basis of anyone's estimate of value (as hard as this is to measure)-that purchasers are often swept up in waves of frenzyo It is true that the market pros were largely responsible for several twentieth-century speculative crazes, including the turn-of-the-century Internet bubbleo But the existence of such psychological influences on
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How THE PROS PLAY THE GAME
market prices at least raises the possibility that investors may not want to accept the current tableau of market prices as being the best reflection of intrinsic values.
Another fragile assumption is that news travels instantaneouslyo I doubt that there will ever be a time when all useful inside information is immediately disclosed to everybody.
Indeed, even if it can be argued that all relevant news for the major stocks followed by institutional investors is quickly reflected in their prices, it may well be that this is not the case'
for all the thousands of small companies that are not closely followed by the proso Moreover, the efficient-market theory implies that no one possesses monopolistic power over the market and that stock recommendations based on unfounded beliefs do not lead to large buyingo But firms specializing in research services and various institutional investors wield considerable power in the market and can direct tremendous money flows in and out of stockso In this environment, it is quite possible that erroneous beliefs about a stock by some professionals can for a considerable time be self-fulfilling.
Finally, there is the enormous difficulty of translating known information about a stock into an estimate of true value.
We have seen that the major determinants of a stock's value concern the extent and duration of its growth path far into the futureo Estimating this is extraordinarily difficult, and there is considerable scope for an individual with superior intellect and judgment to turn in a superior performance.
But although I believe in the possibility of superior professional investment performance, the evidence we have thus far does not support the view that such competence exists; and although I may be excommunicated from some academic sects because of my only lukewarm endorsement of the semi-strong and particularly the strong form of the efficient-market theory,
I make no effort to disguise my heresy in the financial church.
It is clear that if there are exceptional financial managers, they are very rare, and there is no way of telling in advance who they will beo This is a fact of life with which both individual and institutional investors have to deal.